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I liked the language, but just didn't want to set the time to learn it since i am not seeing it outside of mobile development as much as I would want to. Its a really powerful and expressive lang, hope it gets more traction soon. AleCx04 How so? A lot of backend is done in java mvc, ee , etc.. All of that can work with Kotlin.

I worked on a freelance project all in Kotlin, from backend to front end. It was great Also if you know swift, you basically know kotlin. I like the language and I know that being a jvm language we can use it whenever we would java, but just can't force myself to use it unless I see some wide ass adoption.

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If you were able to work with it full stack mode I envy you. I wish more of that were available where I am at. But it is all Java, all the way down, till you reach turtles. AleCx04 yeah I'm happy our managers didn't mind the migration at all. Since it coexists with java pretty well, no one saw any problem. The briefing became fodder for late-night comedians and sketch comedy shows, most notably Saturday Night Live , which immortalized the briefing with a sketch featuring actress Melissa McCarthy playing Spicer, a role she would reprise multiple times throughout his tenure as press secretary.

In her original appearance in the role, McCarthy made fun of Spicer by using props and hitting members of the press with her movable podium.

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Additionally, Spicer and former White House chief of staff Reince Priebus "were merely counting down to the day—and every day seemed to promise it would be the next day—when they would be out," according to another excerpt from the book. By Michael Wolff. In advance of the Jan. Image by Luke McGarry. After the election, I proposed to him that I come to the White House and report an inside story for later publication — journalistically, as a fly on the wall — which he seemed to misconstrue as a request for a job.

No, I said. I'd like to just watch and write a book.

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I think he should write a book about me. Since the new White House was often uncertain about what the president meant or did not mean in any given utterance, his non-disapproval became a kind of passport for me to hang around — checking in each week at the Hay-Adams hotel, making appointments with various senior staffers who put my name in the "system," and then wandering across the street to the White House and plunking myself down, day after day, on a West Wing couch. The West Wing is configured in such a way that the anteroom is quite a thoroughfare — everybody passes by.

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Assistants — young women in the Trump uniform of short skirts, high boots, long and loose hair — as well as, in situation-comedy proximity, all the new stars of the show: Steve Bannon, Kellyanne Conway, Reince Priebus, Sean Spicer, Jared Kushner, Mike Pence, Gary Cohn, Michael Flynn and after Flynn's abrupt departure less than a month into the job for his involvement in the Russia affair, his replacement, H. McMaster , all neatly accessible. The nature of the comedy, it was soon clear, was that here was a group of ambitious men and women who had reached the pinnacle of power, a high-ranking White House appointment — with the punchline that Donald Trump was president.

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Their estimable accomplishment of getting to the West Wing risked at any moment becoming farce. A new president typically surrounds himself with a small group of committed insiders and loyalists. But few on the Trump team knew him very well — most of his advisors had been with him only since the fall. Even his family, now closely gathered around him, seemed nonplussed. If much of the country was incredulous, his staff, trying to cement their poker faces, were at least as confused. Their initial response was to hawkishly defend him — he demanded it — and by defending him they seemed to be defending themselves.

Politics is a game, of course, of determined role-playing, but the difficulties of staying in character in the Trump White House became evident almost from the first day. Reince Priebus, the new chief of staff, had, shortly after the announcement of his appointment in November, started to think he would not last until the inauguration. Then, making it to the White House, he hoped he could last a respectable year, but he quickly scaled back his goal to six months.

Kellyanne Conway, who would put a finger-gun to her head in private about Trump's public comments, continued to mount an implacable defense on cable television, until she was pulled off the air by others in the White House who, however much the president enjoyed her, found her militancy idiotic. Even Ivanka and Jared regarded Conway's fulsome defenses as cringeworthy. Steve Bannon tried to gamely suggest that Trump was mere front man and that he, with plan and purpose and intellect, was, more reasonably, running the show — commanding a whiteboard of policies and initiatives that he claimed to have assembled from Trump's off-the-cuff ramblings and utterances.

His adoption of the Saturday Night Live sobriquet "President Bannon" was less than entirely humorous. Within the first few weeks, even rote conversations with senior staff trying to explain the new White House's policies and positions would turn into a body-language ballet of eye-rolling and shrugs and pantomime of jaws dropping.

Leaking became the political manifestation of the don't-blame-me eye roll. The surreal sense of the Trump presidency was being lived as intensely inside the White House as out. Trump was, for the people closest to him, the ultimate enigma.

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He had been elected president, that through-the-eye-of-the-needle feat, but obviously, he was yet … Trump. Indeed, he seemed as confused as anyone to find himself in the White House, even attempting to barricade himself into his bedroom with his own lock over the protests of the Secret Service. There was some effort to ascribe to Trump magical powers. In an early conversation — half comic, half desperate — Bannon tried to explain him as having a particular kind of Jungian brilliance.

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Trump, obviously without having read Jung, somehow had access to the collective unconscious of the other half of the country, and, too, a gift for inventing archetypes: Little Marco … Low-Energy Jeb … the Failing New York Times. Everybody in the West Wing tried, with some panic, to explain him, and, sheepishly, their own reason for being here. He's intuitive, he gets it, he has a mind-meld with his base. But there was palpable relief, of an Emperor's New Clothes sort, when longtime Trump staffer Sam Nunberg — fired by Trump during the campaign but credited with knowing him better than anyone else — came back into the fold and said, widely, "He's just a fucking fool.