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And that is how we are being treated. We are being given a ransom note. What must be very difficult for all of you to get into your minds is that there is a bigger world out there than the European Union. If you wish to have no deal, if you wish to force us to walk away from the table, it is not us that will be hurt. Do you know, we do not have to buy German motor cars, we do not have to drink French wine, we do not have to eat Belgian chocolate.

There are a lot of other people that will give that to us. A return to tariffs will risk the jobs of hundreds of thousands of people living in the European Union, and yet what you are saying is you want to put the interests of the European Union above that of your citizens and your companies. There will be many more to come. I say to them that you have regained your freedom and your sovereignty by invoking Article 50 and leaving the European Union.

You have now regained the opportunity to flourish as a nation, to control your borders, to make their own laws and to make your own trade deals. They will try to force you to comply with all EU directives and standards, to accept hundreds of thousands of migrants, and even to accept the rulings of the European Court of Justice.

They will try to open an Irish road for migrants to the UK. I say to you that you should not give in to these demands. You are far better off outside the EU, a union which is going the way of more and more isolation. They are calling you a friend here. A friend, but they want to punish you and make you bleed.

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God bless the United Kingdom. Steven Woolfe NI. He said on his recent tour of the British media that politicians who fought for Brexit were allowed to grow up in a free Europe, and that the UK should now pay more. Well, Mr Weber, may I remind you that the freedom that you say you promote came at a mighty cost to Britain.

It came in the blood and sacrifice of millions of Britons those who, like my grandfather, when asked unhesitatingly fought in the sands of Africa so Europe can be free. It means we are leaving the European Union that has forgotten the costs and sacrifices Britons freely gave to ensure you are free to exercise your diplomacy of the defeated in this Chamber of the forgetful. Ian Borg, President fil-Kariga tal-Kunsill.

Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the Commission. In a defining and challenging moment for our Union, the role of this Parliament is more important than ever. You must scrutinise and validate the final agreement. No negotiation, no separation without representation. This is the reason that from the very start I pushed for this House to have a full and active role in the process. I would like to thank and congratulate my friend Guy Verhofstadt and all parties involved for the speed and clarity of the resolution that you are voting on today.

I will not give a detailed response today on each point but, given the cross-party support in this House, it is clear that we are on the same lines when it comes to the big issues. That is absolutely crucial because this is the time to stay united, this is the time to stay undivided. During these negotiations, every one of our institutions and every one of our 27 Member States must be singing from the same hymn sheet.

The stronger we are as 27, the stronger we will be in the negotiations. You already know our chief negotiator Michel Barnier very well, but over the course of the next two years you will become even more familiar with him. I have to say, before the start of the negotiations that he is doing a good job.

It is normal that your Parliament will have a say on the final deal, but more importantly, you are the checks and balances during the negotiations themselves. This is fundamentally a constitutional question for our Union: a third country cannot have the same benefits as a Member State. This Parliament must, and will, ensure that this reality is fully upheld over the course of the next two years. We will negotiate in friendship and openness, not in a hostile mood, with a country that has brought so much to our Union, and will remain close to our hearts long after they have left.

But this is now the time for reason, rather than emotion. Es geht um das Leben von vielen Millionen Menschen. Wenn wir nun in die Verhandlungen einsteigen, dann tun wir dies auch und vor allem in ihrem Namen. Menschen sind keine Verhandlungsmasse. Eingegangene Versprechen, eingegangene Verpflichtungen sind absolut einzuhalten!

Dies ist die notwendige Voraussetzung, damit unsere neue Partnerschaft auf eine solide Grundlage zu stehen kommt. Il y a pour cela trois conditions que je voudrais rapidement rappeler. Not against the United Kingdom but with the United Kingdom. Pour cela, nous devrons expliquer ce que nous faisons et pourquoi nous le faisons. Ni plus ni moins! The third condition is doing things in the right order and putting them into perspective. The UK letter makes clear that the UK Government will push for parallel negotiations on withdrawal and on future relations.

This is a very risky approach. To succeed, we need, on the contrary, to devote the first phase of negotiations exclusively to reaching an agreement on the principles of the exit. We are not proposing this to be tactical or create difficulties for the UK. On the contrary, it is an essential condition to maximise our chances of reaching an agreement together within two years, which is very short.

It is also our best chance, as Manfred Weber mentioned very clearly, to build trust before proceeding to the second phase of negotiations. This second phase will be devoted to scoping our future relations and to discussing the necessary transitory arrangements. To put it differently, the sooner we agree on the principles of an orderly withdrawal, the sooner we can prepare our future relations in trade: obviously, a free and fair trade agreement, a level playing field, but also in security and defence. It is on the basis of these three conditions — unity, lifting uncertainty, and phasing of negotiations — that we can succeed, and your resolution will set the tone.

My hope is that the European Parliament makes these three conditions its own. Avec ce vote, vous aurez le dernier mot. Se equivocan cuando no ven que el nacionalismo extremo conduce al racismo. Se equivocan si creen que los europeos preferimos una buena pelea a un buen acuerdo. Europa es el mayor mercado del mundo. Europa es el mayor espacio de paz, libertad y seguridad del mundo.

Europa es el mayor prestador de servicios sociales del mundo. No nos vamos a rendir. Se equivocan si creen que no nos duele que se marchen. Nos duele, y mucho. Por desgracia, esta vez va a ser el Reino Unido el que camine por el lado equivocado de la historia. Se lo digo con amistad, se lo digo con lealtad. We regret the decision to leave the EU, but we respect it.

We also know, and will not forget, that a large number of UK citizens voted to remain because they understand that the European project is the only way to protect and to recover our sovereignty in a globalised world. Our guiding principle in the whole process will be to protect the rights and interests of the citizens we directly represent. We want to ensure an orderly withdrawal of the UK from the EU, avoiding a no—deal scenario, which would have negative consequences for all, but in particular for the United Kingdom.

For this reason, we call on the UK Government to agree as soon as possible on the principles of the withdrawal provisions in order to allow us to begin talks on the main features of the future relationships and on the necessary transitional arrangements. We fully support the sequencing set out by Michel Barnier. In this context, Parliament will pay particular attention to the need to protect the rights of the EU 27 citizens living or having lived in the UK and vice versa, because people — as President Juncker said — are not negotiating chips.

We will also ensure that the financial settlement will cover all the commitments and liabilities, and we will insist on the absolute need to safeguard the Northern Ireland peace process and to avoid a hardening of the border in Ireland. The future relationship between the EU and the UK should be a close partnership, based on balanced and comprehensive agreement, but it cannot provide similar benefits to those enjoyed by the Union Member States. The European Parliament will not accept any trade—off between security and economy, nor any cherry—picking. We will want an agreement which is fully in line with our standards on the environment, the fight against tax evasion and the protection of social rights.

I am confident that the vote will show that this Parliament is united in line with this principle, that we back the EU negotiator and that we will honour our constitutional obligations, contributing to that unity of the EU, to a successful negotiation and to the defence of our common values and projects. Ashley Fox ECR. In doing so she gave effect to the democratic decision of the British people to leave the European Union. I want Members to see today as a beginning and not an end.

It is the start of a new relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom. Although we will be leaving the EU, we want to forge a deep and special partnership with our friends and allies in Europe. The negotiations that follow will be difficult at times, and you will sometimes hear an angry voice. I hope that colleagues here will focus on the outcome we seek and not the process we undertake, because we all need a good agreement, rather than a good fight. This Parliament has a role to play in ensuring we protect our citizens. I want us to respect the right of self-determination.

The sovereignty of Gibraltar is not part of these negotiations. My group was disappointed that Mr Verhofstadt felt he could only consult on the draft text with a few close political friends. Perhaps it was inconvenient.

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We hope in future we can work with you in the same good faith and full transparency that you request in your motion. As we look to the future, it is in the interests of all our citizens that we reach a comprehensive agreement between Britain and the EU. We see no reason to delay any aspect of any of these talks.

So let us go forward together and reach that deep and special partnership that will benefit all our nations. They told us food prices would not rise. They have. They told us businesses would not move abroad. They are. They told us we were scaremongering. We were not. Sixteen million Brits did not say they wanted to leave the European family. Those who did will not be fooled again by false promises from nationalists. That message reads loud and clear: you lied to us. We are angry, and we want our country back. It belongs inside the European Union. As a Liberal Democrat, I will continue to fight against Brexit, and to give the people a final say on the deal.

I am proud of this House, uniting with a positive but firm resolution. It is fair, it is just, and it is very European. And if the deal goes badly, the British people will welcome the chance to revoke Brexit and Article 50, and vote to remain. He met with virtually every signatory of the joint resolution, and he asked three things from this House: one, that you preserve the Good Friday Agreement in all its part; two, that there would be no hardening of the Irish border; and three, that the unique circumstances and special status of Ireland would be supported.

In his memory, we thank you for this. This is why we associate ourselves with this resolution. We feel that the European Parliament is a partner to the people of the North of Ireland and particularly those living across the partitioned border areas, north and south. Despite the fact that we support the joint resolution, we all have to recognise that this is not the Europe we want, or that the people need. We need an open and critical debate on the future of Europe, something that the resolution also calls for.

We need to engage the public in this debate. Together we can shape a better Europe, a more social Europe, a democratic Europe, a Europe of equals. We have done our part, now it is the turn of the European Council meeting on 29 April. To the European Council I say: it is over to you.

Enda Kenny, Taoiseach, your day has come. Now it is your time to stand up for the Good Friday Agreement in all of its parts. Irish citizens are depending on you. You must be the voice of the people, north and south. It is clear from this resolution that Ireland has friends in Europe. And I want to end with a quote from Manfred Weber, somebody I do not usually quote.

Neither will we, and neither should the Taoiseach. So harness that support, Enda, and stand up for Ireland. I will just underline four ideas that seem to me of the utmost importance on the subject. Firstly, the resolution on which this Parliament voted today sets the framework for any future negotiation. Five parliamentary groups have, happily, presented it. Secondly, both sides have to concentrate on fair and discreet negotiations, conducted in a spirit of good faith and political rigour.

Thirdly, we will have to learn to divorce, since we have not been able to learn to live better together. That means we have to prepare a future that can make it possible to combine distance with collaboration. Fourthly, and finally, as Chair of the EFA Group, I wish to express my conviction that both parts will be able to give fair treatment not just to the territories that have expressed their will to remain: Scotland, Northern Ireland and Gibraltar, but also to Wales.

We have a long way in front of us. This, I guarantee, would cause immense damage to the economies of the European Union and would result in putting many of your citizens out of work. It is what we call, in the UK, cutting off your nose to spite your face. However, the most offensive position that you have taken is the proposal that Spain will have the right to veto any Brexit deal over the issue of Gibraltar.

I want to make it clear in this Chamber today that the people of Gibraltar are proudly British. I do, however, have a solution to prevent Gibraltar being used as a pawn in Brexit negotiations and, indeed, end Spanish claims once and for all. Make Gibraltar a fully integrated part of the UK; give her and our other overseas territories their own Member of Parliament. Give Gibraltar real influence and a voice in Westminster and send a clear message that Gibraltar is not for sale.

In this area, we, the UK, can learn from our continental cousins, because the French give representation to their overseas territories, and I propose that we should too. I have been calling for this for many, many years, and with the unique opportunities that Brexit has given us, I believe it is an idea whose time has come. Janice Atkinson ENF.

I came through one and you will too. Both parties seek to damage each other and the kids and blame each other. You know, the kids and the bank accounts get damaged. But my ex-partner: you will recover. Your hate will lessen, but you will need a bit of counselling along the way. Jean-Claude: get off the booze!

Donald is in denial. He is in depression, trying to claim Gibraltar as his own, as so often happens when you are splitting the divorce assets. She is a sociology lecturer. Guy, you sent in your army, you sent in your barmy army for the one Spanish Armada that is left to you to retake Gibraltar. And Northern Ireland — the only way that the Good Friday peace agreement is going to fail is if you start bombing us again. And one party thinks you owe them a bonus and an income for life just because they are injured.

That has been the amount of money that we have paid into this place. You failed us, so we want that back. So it is not going very well. Diane Dodds NI. However, I respect that for many in this place there is genuine disappointment, maybe some sadness and even some anger. In the negotiation to come, on all sides emotion must be tempered by a practical and positive willingness to find common ground. We have an opportunity to write a new chapter on cooperation in trade, security and prosperity.

Both the United Kingdom and Irish Governments have said there will be no return to a hard border. All of these commitments are welcome. However, any solution must also respect that Northern Ireland will be an integral part of an independent United Kingdom. I hear — and appreciate — support for the peace process in this House. The greatest support for the process will come from stable government, and my party pledges to work hard to ensure that in this, and in the outcome of Brexit, we will represent the best interests of Northern Ireland.

Elmar Brok PPE. Das sollte festgehalten werden. Wir wollen konstruktive Verhandlungen, faire Verhandlungen, keine Revanche — in unserem gemeinsamen Interesse. Aber es muss auch klar sein: Wer nicht die Lasten der EU, des Binnenmarktes oder der Zollunion tragen will, kann auch nicht deren Vorteile durch einen Handelsvertrag retten. Das ist faires Verhalten. Wir werden auf die Konditionen achten. Gemeinsam werden wir unsere Zukunft gestalten, und nicht durch diese nationalistische Diskussionsform der Vergangenheit.

Pero tampoco podemos admitir que en el siglo XXI haya una colonia en Europa: tienen ustedes que entenderlo. Brexit er ikke sygdommen, men symptomet. The words Ireland and Northern Ireland appear eight times in the document we are discussing today, and that in itself indicates the importance that the European Parliament attaches to the unique position and special circumstances confronting the island of Ireland. It is crucial to safeguard peace and, therefore, to preserve the Good Friday Agreement in all its parts. We insist on the absolute need to ensure continuity and stability of the Northern Ireland peace process and avoid the re-establishment of a hard border.

Those are not my words; those words are written in the document we will agree today. So we start with good intent, but over the next few months all of us will have to come forward with workable solutions that will make a reality of those fine words. We share a border of almost kilometres with Northern Ireland. We must maintain our common travel area, otherwise the dislocation could be catastrophic for our small island. Finally, I want to agree with Michel Barnier that we should ensure a free and fair trade agreement with a level playing field. That must also be the outcome between the Republic and Northern Ireland.

La nostra battaglia parlamentare comincia oggi, e spero che tutti saremo vigilanti su due punti cruciali: i diritti dell'Irlanda del Nord, garantiti dal Good Friday Agreement , e quelli di milioni di cittadini, europei e non, che vivono nel Regno Unito. In Irlanda sono in gioco pace e guerra. La Brexit, da questo punto di vista, mi preoccupa. Milioni di cittadini europei nel Regno Unito e di britannici nell'Unione rischiano di perdere diritti fondamentali, sociali e civili, attualmente garantiti dal diritto europeo.

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Ecco un equivoco della campagna Brexit: i cittadini vulnerabili rischiano di non riprendere il controllo cui aspirano, ma di perderlo. Solo a una condizione vedranno tutelati diritti acquisiti precisi: che questi non diventino merce di scambio e siano iscritti nell'accordo di recesso. Spetta a questo Parlamento dare certezze legali all'Irlanda del Nord e ai cittadini impauriti. Spetta a noi capire i nostri errori e costruire un'unione sociale che eviti il rigetto di tanti suoi cittadini e una fuga dall'Europa che dobbiamo cominciare a capire.

The journey towards Brexit is proving how powerful the Union has been in this civilising mission and how flimsy these basic freedoms seem without European support. The vote for Brexit has been hijacked to build an ugly coalition to undermine our civilised society. Within a week of triggering Article 50, we have a senior Conservative threatening war against a European country. This is sadly symbolic of the loss of commitment to peace and to basic standards of diplomacy, to say nothing of friendship and loyalty.

I represent the people of Gibraltar and I will fight for their right to self—determination. They value being British citizens — as I do — because Britain is a country of decency and democracy. What value a British passport if the Prime Minister can change fundamental legislation without reference to Parliament? What value a proud history if our future allies will be despots? What value international respect if it is squandered for narrow economic advantage?

Gerolf Annemans ENF. Wij als Parlement moeten ook niet doen alsof wij hier een veto kunnen uitspreken. Al de rest is een technische afwikkeling. Als wij hier iets nuttigs zouden kunnen doen, in plaats van allerlei suggesties van wraakgevoelens of allerlei voorstellen voor het blijvend koppelen van vrijhandel aan open immigratiegrenzen, dan is het onze wens te uiten, onze politieke wens, om het Verenigd Koninkrijk zonder rancune te behandelen als een geprivilegieerde partner en een buitengewoon goede vriend. Diane James NI.

This morning has seen political theatre, histrionics and political opportunism at full throttle by the Europhiles, and all because the United Kingdom has chosen to leave the European Union. Well, I suggest we get real and start adopting grown-up politics because there is a serious leg of negotiations ahead of us and we do not need to see yet more Project Threat, Revenge and Penalty from the likes of Mr Juncker, Mr Barnier and Mr Verhofstadt. That is not helpful, and all it does is pander to a press which at the moment is misrepresenting both the EU position and the United Kingdom position.

I do not feel that is helpful. So please can I ask everybody to calm down and be calm, and get on with it. The challenges the Union is now facing in the context of the UK withdrawal are well understood and also shared by the Union institutions. We want to ensure legal certainty and stability and to avoid disruption for citizens and businesses across the Union through an orderly and phased withdrawal, in line with Union law and with a view to mitigating economic, political and emotional — Mr Annemans — damage.

But this damage is already a fact of life. All this sets the right path for cooperative and, above all, principled negotiations based on good faith. For the European Parliament the principles are clear. First and foremost, we must defend and promote the interests of the citizens of the Union whom we represent, and safeguard the integrity and the coherence of the constitutional framework of the Union.

These are the key building blocks for the negotiation and also the absolute boundaries on the basis of which the European Parliament will assess the outcome of the withdrawal negotiations through the consent procedure. We must be clear that abandoning membership cannot lead to a status quo ante and to unrealistic expectations. Let me finish just by expressing my conviction that the concerns of those who were against abandoning membership should not remain unaddressed.

The process of the UK leaving the European Union is under way. What we need is sober heads, good faith, but also a very clear mandate from the European institutions. This is what this House is doing today. First and foremost, we should aim to overcome the uncertainty regarding the lives of both EU citizens on the island and UK citizens in the European Union. Their lives should not be used as a bargaining chip, as has been underlined many times. There is also the issue of security cooperation, which is beneficial for both sides in this process.

In any future arrangement, the UK will have to play by the same rules as everyone else. Third, last but not least, we must also urgently launch debates on how the EU of 27 will adjust its budget, its policies and its institutions after UK withdrawal, in order to respond to the expectations for our citizens. The people of Wales have the democratic right to decide on their own future, and that includes the kind of EU withdrawal that takes place and the way that it affects our nation. The devolved administrations of the UK, including Wales, should be involved at every stage of the negotiations.

It is a comprehensive and constructive plan, which includes our continuing participation in the single market, which is a top priority for our economy and our communities. We have a lot to contribute to this process and to build in the future, and our voice must be heard. Nicolas Bay ENF. I wish it was that simple but this divorce, after 44 years and with no precedent, looks like it is going to be tough, and possibly rough.

For that reason we need calm heads, clear minds and creative thinking, and with Michel Barnier at the helm, I think we have the package. Where Ireland is concerned, we are very grateful to all groups in the European Parliament for taking the concerns of our Taoiseach, our government and my colleagues on board.

The special circumstances of Ireland are referenced, and this sends out a powerful message to the citizens of Ireland and of Europe that when one country, no matter how small, is adversely affected, disproportionately threatened, the European Union will stand in solidarity behind them. And boy are we threatened, both economically and politically. But with this solidarity we can be confident that the terms of the Good Friday Agreement will be observed to the letter, that there will not be, cannot be and must not be a return to a hard border and that the prosperity of Ireland, especially our exporting sector, must not and cannot and will not be sacrificed on the high altar of expediency or pride.

Common sense not nonsense, pragmatism not pride must prevail. This is the best way to leave your lover. We lost the EU referendum, and while it saddens me to say it, Britain is leaving the EU — but those dangers are still there. In all our countries, there are families for whom the Brexit vote has created worrying uncertainty — millions of people concerned about their rights to live and work in countries they have made home. Citizens across Europe are now at risk of the economic consequences of a bad deal — or even worse, no deal at all — and people in all 28 countries will suffer if Brexit means competition on low wages, lax environmental standards and scaled back rights for workers and consumers.

These are the people we represent, and these are the people to whom this Parliament must give a voice. It will not always be easy to take the responsible path in the coming months, but it is what we must do. There are some in this House and beyond who are actively hoping to plunge Europe and Britain into chaos through a disorderly no-deal Brexit.

Because they have no answers to the questions that constructive negotiations will bring. So let us work for a constructive deal. And to those leave campaigners who now sit in the British cabinet or on the benches opposite — there is still one of them there, I can see — you won. Now take responsibility for the promises you made.

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As we all consider how we conduct ourselves over the coming weeks, let us remember that we are here representing people whose lives and livelihoods depend on the outcome. Serious times call for a serious response. The answer is, I am heartbroken, not for myself, but for the people I serve, for future generations.

Scotland will not be silent within this process, as our rights are taken away by an administration we do not support, by a vote that we clearly rejected and a process that is demonstrably against our interests. While being heartbroken, I am also angry. I am angry at this process, and I am angry at the way the UK is representing itself, doing a bad thing badly. The UK is not one bloc, much as Mrs May would like it to be; the UK is a complicated set of various interests, all of which are better reflected in this resolution than in anything the UK Government has put forward to date.

Scotland is your home, you are welcome here. I appreciate that nothing is agreed until everything is agreed but please, colleagues, let us make our citizens feel safe, our citizens from the UK in other countries, and citizens from other nations in ours. Herbert Reul PPE. Er ist, glaube ich, auch am Ende ein Fehler. Aber jetzt kommt es eben drauf an, ordentlich damit umzugehen, fair damit umzugehen, sauber die Arbeit zu machen. Und dann wird die Sache ein gutes Ende nehmen.

James Nicholson ECR. We all need to come together with a plan that works for everyone and build a good foundation for our future relationships with the European Union. For the sake of all our people, the United Kingdom and the European Union need to work together as strong allies and close friends when we leave. Europe has been a strong friend to Northern Ireland and gave us strong support during our darkest days.

I am confident that friendship will continue. I welcome the fact that all sides want a frictionless border. However, we all know that finding a solution will require a lot of innovative thinking. I will also not accept an internal UK border. We will take care of ourselves. Janusz Lewandowski PPE. Franck Proust PPE. Alors, ne tergiversons pas!

Eppure il mercato unico rappresenta una delle storie di successo del processo di integrazione europea. La Brexit impone alle istituzioni europee e agli Stati membri un passo avanti. A questi dobbiamo delle risposte. Lorenzo Cesa PPE. Penso che la gran parte degli europei non avrebbe mai voluto che si parlasse di Brexit. Adesso dobbiamo affrontare con decisione, ma anche con equilibrio, questa fase negoziale, caro presidente Barnier. Approveremo oggi con tempismo e lungimiranza una risoluzione molto puntuale e precisa.

Voglio ringraziare di questo il Presidente del Parlamento e i presidenti dei gruppi politici che l'hanno sottoscritta. Der Konservative David Cameron wird in die Geschichte eingehen als ein Mann, dem kurzfristige populistische Erfolge wichtiger waren als das Schicksal all dieser Menschen. You are not taking back your country. You are trying to destroy this continent, and you do not care how much your citizens and our citizens will suffer from it. But listen carefully: we will not let you succeed. We will continue to fight for a Europe based on solidarity and justice, a Europe where facts expose the lies, a Europe that protects its citizens and does not leave them with the prospect of an uncertain and gloomy future.

I still believe they were wrong. It is a difficult moment, as we have never faced such a complex challenge to undo the deep ties that we have founded in our common history. We are bound to work together constructively in the best interest of our citizens, to ensure a clean and safe environment and a high level of public health and food security, and to pursue our common commitment to the climate change. We will need to ensure a rapid transfer of our European Medicines Agency as soon as is practical, as is said in the resolution, because we have to make sure to avoid uncertainty regarding its future and limit the loss of skilled staff and their vital expertise.

So we have to cooperate together in good spirit. It makes no sense believing that environmental and health issues stop at the borders. Wie viele bedaure ich, was jetzt passiert. Ihre Entscheidung, in das Land zu ziehen, haben sie auf der Basis anderer Voraussetzungen getroffen. There will definitely be those who will denounce it as impertinent, or worse. There are many in the United Kingdom who see leaving the European Union as a kind of liberation. It can take quite a while for illusions to dissipate.

For the time being, the launching of Article 50 has brought with it an early silly season. Bizarre things are being said and, no doubt, will continue to be said. This can be irritating, even provocative, but that is no reason for us to follow suit. On the contrary, we can stay calm and pursue negotiations with the same professionalism and commitment that is reflected in this resolution. After all, the UK will always have a relationship with Europe.

Our aim is, and should be, to frame the long term: to ensure that the future is a positive sum game. Paulo Rangel PPE. If you love me, I'll always be in your heart. Today, I face the reality that Brexit will remove my country from one union and leave the other union hanging by a thread. Scotland voted overwhelmingly to remain in the European Union.

The resolution we are about to vote on recognises this fact, but provides no solution. The Council document calls for a flexible and imaginative solution to be found for Ireland. I, of course, agree, but I think the same should also apply to Scotland. The Scottish Government has put forward a bespoke proposal for Scotland, which I think deserves serious attention in this House.

In conclusion, I want to say that if the UK does not show flexibility in these talks it will not only be the UK leaving the European Union, but the UK will not exist any longer. Nessuno pensi di demolire l'edificio europeo, ma nessuno giochi contro per dividere o indebolire il Regno Unito. I believe in our European project, a project that is based on the belief that together we are stronger and we do things better. That is why it makes me sad if you, Mr Farage and your friends, are likening this project to a prison. I also heard Mr Fox — if I am not mistaken — saying that he is calling for a close and deep partnership and for invisible borders.

If this is what you are calling for, then welcome back into Europe. Welcome back into the European Union because this is what we are aiming for. Instead of that, you are, in practice, calling for the negotiation of a similar agreement to the ones we have with the US, Korea or Canada. If this is so, please do not be surprised that in this negotiation we will represent the interest of 27 countries, like we did in negotiations with Canada, the US or Korea.

This should come as no surprise to you. Ta rezolucja jest po prostu dobra. Maybe some authors simply need tutoring in the matter of female teams and their motivations and goals. The intention of such a team does not have to be feministic at all, but can also have its roots in the love for the characters. They are heroines fighting against evil — they can do that with a feminist background, but this is absolutely not obligatory. Just as purely male teams do not have to — and usually do not — follow a male movement.

It would be enough for me if the gender balance in the teams were simply levelled out. If this would lead to friendships between the characters and to interesting interactions — which are also allowed to get along without romantic love. How do you see it? Currently she works for Ubisoft and lives with her man and cat on the beautiful coast of Newcastle. A long time ago I planned to turn this thing into something regular on Wednesday. Neat, right? Over its course the story picked up, the world building got stronger and the art got incredibly better. There are many fun and diverse gender, race and sexualities characters.

The topics that are explored range from dating issues over teenage crime fighting up to world domination plots, all with a joke around the corner and good portion of magic. One of the main characters and a human-squirrel-alien hybrid. Yes, there is not just magic, but also aliens in EGS, the main ones are called Uryoums.

She can be horribly naive and oblivious to the things happening around her, due to her secluded upbringing, but when her friends need protection she becomes the badass fighter she was bred to be. So look out, for this Squirrel might kick your ass! At some point I just stumbled across Twokinds by Thomas Fischbach and got drawn into the story due to its amazing art.

And there are several journeys happening with the vast cast depicted above. Sure some of it is a bit too sexualized for my taste, but the Keidran characters act a lot according to their base instincts the banner above portrays them with way more clothing than some of them usually wear. Another very minor character is Mrs. Nibbly, she is — you probably guessed it by the picture — a squirrel! A pretty smart and cool one at that, and also very brave.

I hope you enjoyed this little look into two great webcomics. Do you know others with similar themes? Let me know in the comments below! Passend, nicht wahr? Im Laufe der Zeit, wurde die Geschichte ausgebaut, das Worldbuilding wurde fundierter und der Zeichenstil hat sich unglaublich verbessert. Obwohl das nicht das Einzige daran ist. Und es gibt mehrere Reisen, der riesigen Besetzung, die oben abgebildet ist. Da dies auch eine Geschichte ist, die sich sehr stark auf die Hauptfigur konzentriert, ist es eine andere Geschichte, in der ich sie nicht mag.

Eine weitere sehr unbedeutende Figur ist Mrs. Ein ziemlich kluges und cooles dazu, und auch sehr mutig. Habt ihr sie gelesen? Lasst es mich in den Kommentaren unten wissen! How it all began. As you might know did I already talk about this, at least in terms of Webcomics , in my Introduction to Webcomics :. For as long as I remember did I enjoy reading the small comics and cartoons in newspapers and magazines. Still discovering that this is a thing took me a while.

I still remember that I would have had the chance to buy an entire set of the Dragonball Manga series at a flee market, but my grandpa and my mother argued against it, because it was too expensive and just some books with pictures. As this was my first series — and I really liked both Anime — I also collected the magazine with new stories and additional info.

Still regret it, never found such a great time line of the Dragonball Z universe again, as the one in those magazines…. During my A-Levels I got back into it, mostly because of different Manga, but also because of Webcomics, which I told you about in the different parts of category I linked above — and will tell you more about when I get around to adding to the series.

Unfortunately there is only a small one in Rostock , but that ones mostly for card and table top games. Buffy for one thing, because I want to know how the series continues, but also mostly Marvel -stuff and I recently bought the first volume of Preacher. That is also why my book collection and manga collection, simply because I chose to collect long series is much larger than my Comic collection, counting physical volumes and bookmarks.

But one thing is for sure to quote the introduction again :. Quite the opposite. Since I started using the Internet more frequently, I discovered many more Comics to enjoy. Take your pick and enjoy the read. I hoped you enjoyed this little look into two great webcomics. I know at least a couple of other comics with a similar theme, but on the one hand do I prefer focusing on two at a time with these things and on the the other hand do I think that they would work well enough on their own too. So stay tuned for future updates. These include a Professor, his assistant and their strange experiments; Yetis; suicidal Lemmings, a killer-robot aspiring to become a kindergarten teacher, Mr.

Riebmann, who lives in the wall beside his constantly annoyed neighbour and of course Death and his Poodle, who are the not so secret stars of the Comics.


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With the Kickstarter Sauer wanted to be able to produce a whole series of animated comics, but aimed low and set it up for one episode first. The campaign funded that well that by now two of the six funded episodes are produced, with the remaining four being released in As far as I know are the stories for these episodes completely new, even if some parts of it where used in comics before. In the books there are a few episode like narrations instead of the usual one strip jokes, so as a reader you can already get an idea of how quirky and intertwined his stories can be.

It is certainly fun to finally have a voice for Death and Poodle and all the other characters. Different to the other two that were web comics first and were animated later, was this one animated first before also releasing comic book versions — at least from what I know. All of the episodes are and regularly updated on the YouTube Page linked above. What are your thoughts on animated Webcomics? Is it something that interests you or do you prefer the written word?

First let me explain:. Originally he set up these rules:. Inspired by this, many others took up the challenge and modified the original rules and added a few more rules:. If you encounter a shiny all rules are nullified. This of course is not a complete set of rules as Challengers individualize them, so every run has slightly different rules, but you get the gist of it. This is only a collection of the ones I enjoyed reading there are plenty more — even some that turned it into diaries.

There are some things — besides the challenge — they all have in common:. The Original run I mentioned before was for Ruby. By now he added a run for Fire-Red and is currently running one for White , but you should read the others before that. The art improved greatly over the years and also the story telling. One of the first runs I encountered. While Tales of Sinnoh Diamond follows some rather unusual way of story telling with a foul mouthed and sometimes reckless heroine and some pretty weird plots Team Gaga and Dialgaga , Myths of Unova White is an entirely different story.

Does leave mean no more cooperation? I feel that London thinks they will find the perfect deal, and that means they take the positive points and they leave the negative points. I have to clarify that this will not happen. Cherry-picking will not happen. A state outside the European Union cannot have the same, or better, conditions than a state inside this European Union. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Was machen wir hier eigentlich? Wo sind wir denn gelandet?

Ich muss mal sagen: Sind wir eigentlich noch ganz bei Trost? Wir bleiben Freunde, das ist vollkommen klar. Positiv ist, dass wir am Ende des Tages Partner und Freunde bleiben. Sono morti venti bambini. Vergogna per i mandanti, vergogna per i responsabili politici e anche per chi, lavandosene le mani, ha dato l'impressione di dare carta bianca al regime siriano.

Non bisogna ridere! Due giorni fa, come ha ricordato il collega Weber, un ex leader conservatore britannico ha paventato il rischio di una guerra tra Regno Unito e Spagna. Sono parole da dilettanti allo sbaraglio. Spero che i cittadini inglesi capiscano in quali mani sono finiti. I Tories hanno voluto il referendum e il giorno dopo il voto non conoscevano nemmeno la procedura per chiedere il divorzio. Volevate riprendervi il controllo, ma di che cosa?

Avevate promesso un futuro migliore. Le vostre bugie hanno creato soltanto il caos nel Regno Unito. Noi non mentiremo. Siamo pronti ad usare il nostro potere di veto se non saranno rispettate le condizioni stabilite nella risoluzione. Dobbiamo discutere le condizioni del divorzio. Inoltre rispediamo al mittente qualsiasi ricatto o ricattuccio. Se qualcuno del Regno Unito vuole usare la sicurezza comune come arma di ricatto, si sbaglia!

Non tollereremo mai che alle porte dell'Unione europea si crei un maxi paradiso fiscale. E tutti gli impegni finanziari assunti, come succede in tutte le famiglie, quando si esce di casa e si va in un'altra casa, bisogna pagare le bollette della luce, del gas, dell'energia. Ci sono tantissimi iscritti per gli interventi. Ogni gruppo ha il diritto di esprimere le proprie posizioni a favore o contro la Brexit, ma questa discussione non deve trasformare quest'Aula in uno stadio di calcio dove ci sono tifosi da una parte o dall'altra.

Ho sempre presieduto l'Aula con grande equilibrio, intendo farlo anche oggi. The peoples whose jobs, businesses, economy and security all depend on us to take the EU in the right direction. A new direction. The UK leaving must not be a missed opportunity to create positive change. I can recommend it to you. Britain is an island, not a boat. It will remain where it is, it will remain one of our most important economic, political and security partners. The United Kingdom and the European Union are friends, not enemies. This should not be a nasty break-up but the beginning of a deep and special partnership between long-standing allies.

We need to start work on a comprehensive deal right now, a deal that looks at everything: cooperation on security, trade, education, research, transport and, yes, money. Everything from the start. There is no time to lose. If we do anything less, history will judge us harshly as having been small and petty when the challenges of our age required us to be bold and visionary.

Mr Verhofstadt, you spent a great deal of time in your campaign for president of the Parliament distancing yourself from the backroom deals of the past. Yet, once again, the pleas for openness and transparency feel like the same old empty promises — promises which those outside of Brussels are increasingly frustrated with. The negotiation and process of this resolution have sought to exclude the opinions of some political groups and Members in this Parliament.

When you do that, you do not just exclude the voices of those Members, but also the voices of their electorates. Mr Verhofstadt, no one is asking you to agree with everyone, but you could at least listen to what they have to say. That is not to say that we do not agree with anything in the joint motion.

We do. But we do not share other key points. We believe the European Parliament should seek to support the EU negotiator not make life more difficult by making excessive demands in advance. That just looks like the same old tired tactics, which undermine the credibility of this Chamber. The three-year limit on transitional arrangement seems arbitrary. We might want different lengths for different issues. Mr President, fellow Members, my hope is that the EU will emerge from Brexit renewed and able to prevent the departure of other Member States.

The next two years should be about building the faith of the peoples of Europe in the decisions we are making. If the EU is to come back stronger and if we really want to win back the confidence lost by our citizens, then this is not only the moment to determine how we will work with the UK in the future, but also how we can get the EU back on track. I call on all colleagues to listen to the recent statements by several European leaders who show that there are alternatives to ever more Europe.

We need to follow the path to a decentralised confederal Europe. There simply is no support for more centralising Euro-federalism. With or without Britain, we need a new direction for Europe. That was my feeling anyway: a very sad moment. It is true, naturally, that the relationship between Britain and Europe was never an easy relationship, let us recognise that. It was never a love affair and certainly not a question of wild passion. I think it was a little bit like a marriage of convenience, if I can use that term.

It was already clear, dear colleagues, from the beginning. Attlee and Labour did not want it, and it was Churchill and the Tories who were in favour, it is good to recall this. And in at the start of the Common Market, Britain walked away from the negotiating table. In the early years of the Union it was the British Prime Minister Macmillan who looked at the continent with nothing less than suspicion.

What were they cooking up there in Brussels, were they really discussing coal and steel and customs union, or were they also talking politics in Brussels, plotting on foreign policy? Oh, God forbid, defence matters even! You have to read all the British press in , it was a great day for Britain to join the European Union.

Well, I have to tell you that the pound slipping against the euro, as we see today was not exactly what Major expected at that moment. But all the rest, let us be honest with each other, is history. Perhaps let us recognise that it was maybe impossible to unite Great Britain with the Continent, and naive maybe to reconcile the legal system of Napoleon with the common law of the British Empire, and perhaps it was never meant to be. But, and this is important — and I hope you are applauding this also — our predecessors should never be blamed for having tried, because it is important in politics, as it is in life, to try new partnerships, new horizons, to reach out to the other, to the other side of the channel.

And a young generation that will see Brexit for what it really is: a catfight in the Conservative party that got out of hand. A loss of time, a waste of energy, and I think, a stupidity. Although I continue to think that Brexit is a sad and regrettable event, I also believe it is important to remember something. Remember what Britain and Europe in these more than 40 years have achieved together. It is true, we may not have had the most passionate relationship, but it was not a failure either, not for Europe, and certainly not for Britain and the British. Let us not forget, Britain entered the Union as the sick man of Europe, and thanks to the single market, came out the other side.

Europe also made Britain punch above its weight in terms of geopolitics, as in the heyday of the British Empire. And thank you for that because as a Liberal, I will miss that in the future. Colleagues, within a few weeks we will start the process of separation. In this new venture let us always remember one thing. Our common bonds, our common culture, our common and shared values, our joint heritage, our history. And let us never forget that together we in fact belong to the same great European civilisation, from the Atlantic port of Bristol, I go as far as to the banks of the mighty river Volga; but maybe that is a little too far for the moment.

But let us be honest, and this will be my final point. Brexit is not only about Brexit. Brexit has to be also about our capacity for a rebirth of our European project, because let us recognise that Brexit did not happen by accident. Even though since Brexit I see what I call a change for the good in the mood of the public, let us not fool ourselves: Europe is not yet rescued and Europe has not yet recovered from the crisis.

Europe is still in need of change, I think in need of radical change: change towards a real Union, an effective Union based on values and based on the real interests of our citizens. And a Union also — and I want to conclude with this — that stands up against autocrats. Autocrats will close down their universities, to give one example. Autocrats will throw journalists into jail, as is happening today. Autocrats will make corruption their trademark. And yesterday, as we all have seen, beyond any humanity, autocrats again bombed innocent women and children with chemical weapons in Syria, to give the nastiest example.

So in these negotiations which will have to start in the coming weeks, let us never forget why our founding fathers — British and other Europeans alike — launched this European project. There are three words: freedom, justice and peace — these are three great things that are worth fighting for. Ein knappes Dreivierteljahr ist nach dem britischen Referendum vergangenen. Die Zeit, in der sich die Streitenden die Instrumente und die Waffen zeigen, ist vorbei.

Die Zeit der verantwortungslosen Demagogie, insbesondere von Herrn Farage und anderen, ist vorbei. Jetzt muss hart verhandelt werden. Im Rahmen dieser Trennung wird offenkundig sichtbar, wie eng verwoben die Strukturen, die Lebensadern zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten inzwischen geworden sind. Es betrifft alle Bereiche. Was ist uns wichtig? Worum geht es uns auch? Wo bleibt also unsere soziale Union? And by choosing the hardest form of Brexit you chose the most extreme interpretation of the referendum. In doing so, you encouraged all those on the continent as well as in the UK from the fringes of the political landscape and the benches of your own governments who have made grandstanding and threatening their brand of politics.

On the one hand, we have to all those who call for making Britain the world champion of social and tax dumping, or even for starting a war with Spain. On the other hand, we have those who say we should punish the United Kingdom. Have the last 70 years not told them anything? Mrs May, by your own choice you dug yourself a hole of contradictions. How can you have a hard Brexit without having a hard border in Ireland?

How can you — to use your own words — have the freest possible trade in goods and services between Britain and the EU while you take the UK out of the single market, which allows precisely that? But above all, how can you reconcile a hard Brexit with your own stated desire of a more united UK and our claim to represent every person in the United Kingdom, including the large number of people, especially the young generation who voted in favour of remaining in the European Union?

Resolving those contradictions, so as to minimise damage to our citizens must be the objective of the negotiations to come. If we want common sense and the general interest to prevail we must ignore those who shout and posture. I agree with you, Mrs May, when you say you want to build a stronger, fairer, better Britain. Achieving stronger, fairer and better societies is a goal that many share in this Chamber.

Delivering this requires us to face the Trumps and the Putins of this world, to tackle climate change, to fight terrorism and organised crime, to find common responses to the global migration challenge, to curb corporate power. Mrs May, like it or not, we are in this together. Taking back control, being recognised as global players, requires all Europeans, including Britons, to act together. There is no such thing as absolute sovereignty. In the 21st century we can only reconquer sovereignty for democracies by sharing it.

Mrs May, you want to build a Britain your children and grandchildren are proud to call home. Let me remind you that, as we speak, many of your own citizens are proud to call not just Britain but Europe home. Let us not let them down. We have had a little history lesson this morning from Mr Verhofstadt, but he made one mistake.

Had the British people known that it was the intention to get political and take away our ability to govern ourselves, we never would have done so. I am sorry to say that the response to the triggering of Article 50 has been all too predictable. Already you have made a series of demands that are not just unreasonable, but, in some cases, clearly impossible for Britain to comply with. You began by telling us that we have to pay a bill: a cool GBP 52 billion, a figure that has clearly been plucked out of the air, which is effectively a form of ransom demand.

What you could have acknowledged is that we put over GBP billion net into this project. We are actually shareholders in this building and the rest of the assets and really you should be making us an offer we cannot refuse, to go. That has no basis in Treaty law whatsoever. It is rather like saying you cannot guarantee yourself a dwelling for when you leave prison and I trust the British Government will completely ignore you.

I suspect that Mr Tusk, who is not with us today, is still crying. He looked pretty tearful, did he not, after the British Ambassador delivered the letter last week? He tells us in his memorandum that any future trade deal must ensure that the United Kingdom is not allowed to have a competitive advantage. This is all impossible. Add to that the hypocrisy of saying, on the one hand, that the EU will negotiate as one, and clause 22 of the Tusk document which says that the Spanish can have a total veto over the whole trade deal if they are not happy with the sovereignty of Gibraltar.

We believe in national self-determination. Your aim and ambition is to destroy nation state democracy. Gibraltar is clearly a deal-breaker on current terms. With these demands, you have shown yourselves to be vindictive, to be nasty, and all I can say is thank goodness we are leaving. You are behaving like the mafia. You think we are a hostage, we are not, we are free to go, and I know and I do understand I will change it to gangsters. All right?

And that is how we are being treated. We are being given a ransom note. What must be very difficult for all of you to get into your minds is that there is a bigger world out there than the European Union. If you wish to have no deal, if you wish to force us to walk away from the table, it is not us that will be hurt. Do you know, we do not have to buy German motor cars, we do not have to drink French wine, we do not have to eat Belgian chocolate. There are a lot of other people that will give that to us. A return to tariffs will risk the jobs of hundreds of thousands of people living in the European Union, and yet what you are saying is you want to put the interests of the European Union above that of your citizens and your companies.

There will be many more to come. I say to them that you have regained your freedom and your sovereignty by invoking Article 50 and leaving the European Union. You have now regained the opportunity to flourish as a nation, to control your borders, to make their own laws and to make your own trade deals. They will try to force you to comply with all EU directives and standards, to accept hundreds of thousands of migrants, and even to accept the rulings of the European Court of Justice.

They will try to open an Irish road for migrants to the UK. I say to you that you should not give in to these demands. You are far better off outside the EU, a union which is going the way of more and more isolation. They are calling you a friend here. A friend, but they want to punish you and make you bleed.

God bless the United Kingdom. Steven Woolfe NI. He said on his recent tour of the British media that politicians who fought for Brexit were allowed to grow up in a free Europe, and that the UK should now pay more. Well, Mr Weber, may I remind you that the freedom that you say you promote came at a mighty cost to Britain. It came in the blood and sacrifice of millions of Britons those who, like my grandfather, when asked unhesitatingly fought in the sands of Africa so Europe can be free.

It means we are leaving the European Union that has forgotten the costs and sacrifices Britons freely gave to ensure you are free to exercise your diplomacy of the defeated in this Chamber of the forgetful. Ian Borg, President fil-Kariga tal-Kunsill. Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the Commission. In a defining and challenging moment for our Union, the role of this Parliament is more important than ever. You must scrutinise and validate the final agreement. No negotiation, no separation without representation. This is the reason that from the very start I pushed for this House to have a full and active role in the process.


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I would like to thank and congratulate my friend Guy Verhofstadt and all parties involved for the speed and clarity of the resolution that you are voting on today. I will not give a detailed response today on each point but, given the cross-party support in this House, it is clear that we are on the same lines when it comes to the big issues.

That is absolutely crucial because this is the time to stay united, this is the time to stay undivided. During these negotiations, every one of our institutions and every one of our 27 Member States must be singing from the same hymn sheet. The stronger we are as 27, the stronger we will be in the negotiations. You already know our chief negotiator Michel Barnier very well, but over the course of the next two years you will become even more familiar with him. I have to say, before the start of the negotiations that he is doing a good job.

It is normal that your Parliament will have a say on the final deal, but more importantly, you are the checks and balances during the negotiations themselves. This is fundamentally a constitutional question for our Union: a third country cannot have the same benefits as a Member State. This Parliament must, and will, ensure that this reality is fully upheld over the course of the next two years. We will negotiate in friendship and openness, not in a hostile mood, with a country that has brought so much to our Union, and will remain close to our hearts long after they have left.

But this is now the time for reason, rather than emotion. Es geht um das Leben von vielen Millionen Menschen. Wenn wir nun in die Verhandlungen einsteigen, dann tun wir dies auch und vor allem in ihrem Namen. Menschen sind keine Verhandlungsmasse. Eingegangene Versprechen, eingegangene Verpflichtungen sind absolut einzuhalten!

Dies ist die notwendige Voraussetzung, damit unsere neue Partnerschaft auf eine solide Grundlage zu stehen kommt. Il y a pour cela trois conditions que je voudrais rapidement rappeler. Not against the United Kingdom but with the United Kingdom. Pour cela, nous devrons expliquer ce que nous faisons et pourquoi nous le faisons. Ni plus ni moins! The third condition is doing things in the right order and putting them into perspective. The UK letter makes clear that the UK Government will push for parallel negotiations on withdrawal and on future relations.

This is a very risky approach. To succeed, we need, on the contrary, to devote the first phase of negotiations exclusively to reaching an agreement on the principles of the exit. We are not proposing this to be tactical or create difficulties for the UK. On the contrary, it is an essential condition to maximise our chances of reaching an agreement together within two years, which is very short. It is also our best chance, as Manfred Weber mentioned very clearly, to build trust before proceeding to the second phase of negotiations.

This second phase will be devoted to scoping our future relations and to discussing the necessary transitory arrangements. To put it differently, the sooner we agree on the principles of an orderly withdrawal, the sooner we can prepare our future relations in trade: obviously, a free and fair trade agreement, a level playing field, but also in security and defence. It is on the basis of these three conditions — unity, lifting uncertainty, and phasing of negotiations — that we can succeed, and your resolution will set the tone.

My hope is that the European Parliament makes these three conditions its own. Avec ce vote, vous aurez le dernier mot. Se equivocan cuando no ven que el nacionalismo extremo conduce al racismo. Se equivocan si creen que los europeos preferimos una buena pelea a un buen acuerdo. Europa es el mayor mercado del mundo.

Europa es el mayor espacio de paz, libertad y seguridad del mundo. Europa es el mayor prestador de servicios sociales del mundo. No nos vamos a rendir. Se equivocan si creen que no nos duele que se marchen. Nos duele, y mucho. Por desgracia, esta vez va a ser el Reino Unido el que camine por el lado equivocado de la historia. Se lo digo con amistad, se lo digo con lealtad. We regret the decision to leave the EU, but we respect it. We also know, and will not forget, that a large number of UK citizens voted to remain because they understand that the European project is the only way to protect and to recover our sovereignty in a globalised world.

Our guiding principle in the whole process will be to protect the rights and interests of the citizens we directly represent. We want to ensure an orderly withdrawal of the UK from the EU, avoiding a no—deal scenario, which would have negative consequences for all, but in particular for the United Kingdom. For this reason, we call on the UK Government to agree as soon as possible on the principles of the withdrawal provisions in order to allow us to begin talks on the main features of the future relationships and on the necessary transitional arrangements.

We fully support the sequencing set out by Michel Barnier. In this context, Parliament will pay particular attention to the need to protect the rights of the EU 27 citizens living or having lived in the UK and vice versa, because people — as President Juncker said — are not negotiating chips. We will also ensure that the financial settlement will cover all the commitments and liabilities, and we will insist on the absolute need to safeguard the Northern Ireland peace process and to avoid a hardening of the border in Ireland. The future relationship between the EU and the UK should be a close partnership, based on balanced and comprehensive agreement, but it cannot provide similar benefits to those enjoyed by the Union Member States.

The European Parliament will not accept any trade—off between security and economy, nor any cherry—picking.

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We will want an agreement which is fully in line with our standards on the environment, the fight against tax evasion and the protection of social rights. I am confident that the vote will show that this Parliament is united in line with this principle, that we back the EU negotiator and that we will honour our constitutional obligations, contributing to that unity of the EU, to a successful negotiation and to the defence of our common values and projects.

Ashley Fox ECR. In doing so she gave effect to the democratic decision of the British people to leave the European Union. I want Members to see today as a beginning and not an end. It is the start of a new relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom. Although we will be leaving the EU, we want to forge a deep and special partnership with our friends and allies in Europe. The negotiations that follow will be difficult at times, and you will sometimes hear an angry voice.

I hope that colleagues here will focus on the outcome we seek and not the process we undertake, because we all need a good agreement, rather than a good fight. This Parliament has a role to play in ensuring we protect our citizens. I want us to respect the right of self-determination.

The sovereignty of Gibraltar is not part of these negotiations. My group was disappointed that Mr Verhofstadt felt he could only consult on the draft text with a few close political friends. Perhaps it was inconvenient. We hope in future we can work with you in the same good faith and full transparency that you request in your motion.

As we look to the future, it is in the interests of all our citizens that we reach a comprehensive agreement between Britain and the EU. We see no reason to delay any aspect of any of these talks. So let us go forward together and reach that deep and special partnership that will benefit all our nations. They told us food prices would not rise. They have. They told us businesses would not move abroad. They are. They told us we were scaremongering. We were not. Sixteen million Brits did not say they wanted to leave the European family.

Those who did will not be fooled again by false promises from nationalists. That message reads loud and clear: you lied to us. We are angry, and we want our country back. It belongs inside the European Union. As a Liberal Democrat, I will continue to fight against Brexit, and to give the people a final say on the deal. I am proud of this House, uniting with a positive but firm resolution. It is fair, it is just, and it is very European. And if the deal goes badly, the British people will welcome the chance to revoke Brexit and Article 50, and vote to remain.


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  4. He met with virtually every signatory of the joint resolution, and he asked three things from this House: one, that you preserve the Good Friday Agreement in all its part; two, that there would be no hardening of the Irish border; and three, that the unique circumstances and special status of Ireland would be supported. In his memory, we thank you for this.

    This is why we associate ourselves with this resolution. We feel that the European Parliament is a partner to the people of the North of Ireland and particularly those living across the partitioned border areas, north and south. Despite the fact that we support the joint resolution, we all have to recognise that this is not the Europe we want, or that the people need. We need an open and critical debate on the future of Europe, something that the resolution also calls for.

    We need to engage the public in this debate. Together we can shape a better Europe, a more social Europe, a democratic Europe, a Europe of equals. We have done our part, now it is the turn of the European Council meeting on 29 April. To the European Council I say: it is over to you. Enda Kenny, Taoiseach, your day has come.

    Now it is your time to stand up for the Good Friday Agreement in all of its parts. Irish citizens are depending on you. You must be the voice of the people, north and south. It is clear from this resolution that Ireland has friends in Europe. And I want to end with a quote from Manfred Weber, somebody I do not usually quote. Neither will we, and neither should the Taoiseach. So harness that support, Enda, and stand up for Ireland. I will just underline four ideas that seem to me of the utmost importance on the subject.

    Firstly, the resolution on which this Parliament voted today sets the framework for any future negotiation. Five parliamentary groups have, happily, presented it. Secondly, both sides have to concentrate on fair and discreet negotiations, conducted in a spirit of good faith and political rigour. Thirdly, we will have to learn to divorce, since we have not been able to learn to live better together.

    That means we have to prepare a future that can make it possible to combine distance with collaboration. Fourthly, and finally, as Chair of the EFA Group, I wish to express my conviction that both parts will be able to give fair treatment not just to the territories that have expressed their will to remain: Scotland, Northern Ireland and Gibraltar, but also to Wales. We have a long way in front of us. This, I guarantee, would cause immense damage to the economies of the European Union and would result in putting many of your citizens out of work.

    It is what we call, in the UK, cutting off your nose to spite your face. However, the most offensive position that you have taken is the proposal that Spain will have the right to veto any Brexit deal over the issue of Gibraltar. I want to make it clear in this Chamber today that the people of Gibraltar are proudly British. I do, however, have a solution to prevent Gibraltar being used as a pawn in Brexit negotiations and, indeed, end Spanish claims once and for all.

    Make Gibraltar a fully integrated part of the UK; give her and our other overseas territories their own Member of Parliament. Give Gibraltar real influence and a voice in Westminster and send a clear message that Gibraltar is not for sale. In this area, we, the UK, can learn from our continental cousins, because the French give representation to their overseas territories, and I propose that we should too.

    I have been calling for this for many, many years, and with the unique opportunities that Brexit has given us, I believe it is an idea whose time has come. Janice Atkinson ENF. I came through one and you will too. Both parties seek to damage each other and the kids and blame each other. You know, the kids and the bank accounts get damaged.

    But my ex-partner: you will recover. Your hate will lessen, but you will need a bit of counselling along the way. Jean-Claude: get off the booze! Donald is in denial. He is in depression, trying to claim Gibraltar as his own, as so often happens when you are splitting the divorce assets.

    She is a sociology lecturer. Guy, you sent in your army, you sent in your barmy army for the one Spanish Armada that is left to you to retake Gibraltar. And Northern Ireland — the only way that the Good Friday peace agreement is going to fail is if you start bombing us again. And one party thinks you owe them a bonus and an income for life just because they are injured. That has been the amount of money that we have paid into this place. You failed us, so we want that back.

    So it is not going very well. Diane Dodds NI. However, I respect that for many in this place there is genuine disappointment, maybe some sadness and even some anger. In the negotiation to come, on all sides emotion must be tempered by a practical and positive willingness to find common ground. We have an opportunity to write a new chapter on cooperation in trade, security and prosperity. Both the United Kingdom and Irish Governments have said there will be no return to a hard border.

    All of these commitments are welcome. However, any solution must also respect that Northern Ireland will be an integral part of an independent United Kingdom. I hear — and appreciate — support for the peace process in this House. The greatest support for the process will come from stable government, and my party pledges to work hard to ensure that in this, and in the outcome of Brexit, we will represent the best interests of Northern Ireland.

    Elmar Brok PPE. Das sollte festgehalten werden. Wir wollen konstruktive Verhandlungen, faire Verhandlungen, keine Revanche — in unserem gemeinsamen Interesse. Aber es muss auch klar sein: Wer nicht die Lasten der EU, des Binnenmarktes oder der Zollunion tragen will, kann auch nicht deren Vorteile durch einen Handelsvertrag retten. Das ist faires Verhalten.