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Charles, op. Judaism in the Early Church 59 These books written by Enoch and Noa were used by the author of the Book of the Jubilees as he tells us XXI io: 49 For thus I have found it written in the books of my fore-fathers, and in the words of Enoch, and in the words of Noah. And now, my sons, teach your sons the Book of the Discipline and let Wisdom be with you a glory of eternity of Wisdom. Behold, my sons, Joseph my brother, who was teaching the Book and the Discipline of Wisdom. For Noah cf. Charles in his edition p.

Charles, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, pp.

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Ethiopic Book of Enoch ch. CVI And is should be noticed already here that this learning from books is referred to also when the Book of Enoch is concerned. For I have seen it inscribed in the writing of Enoch. Simeon V 4. As is contained in the book of Enoch the righteous. Levi X 5. And now, my children, I have learnt from the writing of Enoch. Levi XIV 1. For I have also read in the books of Enoch the righteous. Dan V 6; Test. Naphtali IV 1; That book may also be called the book of the words of Enoch, cf. It is entirely in keeping with what we have seen that the Testaments emphasize the teaching of reading in order that everybody may be able to read the Law, Test.

And the Test. Reuben IV 1 puts forward the exhortation to devote the time to good works and study, ypapponroc: And expend labour on good works and on study. Dr Gerhardsson has very carefully examined the Hebrew ter- 55 Cf. Some such expressions are however found in non-rabbinical texts connected with or emanating from the Qumran-community in so far as they are accessible in Aramaic language — which, pending the publication of all the Aramaic fragments of apocryphal writings, is — for the present — the case to a very small extent.

Nevertheless we are able to cull some Aramaic terms from e. Here Isaac teaches Levi the law of the priesthood corresponding to Test. Levi IX 6 ff. I 24 svTsXXopioa Tipa. XVI 17 Test. XIII 33 Pesh. However, it is well known that the original Aramaic is often easily discernable behind the sometimes rather Semitic Greek. We do not lack the means either to reconstruct the original wording of the Gospel tradition. Here the old Syriac translations render good service, especially if compared to the Galilaean Aramaic dialect and the Aramaic found in the so-called Christian — Palestinian documents.

Such a work of reconstruction has been going 62 Geo Widengren on since the beginning of this century and the achievements of some generations of scholars, carefully sifted and supplemented, are accessible in Black, An Aramaic Approach to the Gospel. Among the many scholars who made signal contributions to the reconstruction of the original wording of the Aramaic Gospeltradition.

I should like to mention especially Well- hausen, Burney, Torrey and Wensinck. As Wensinck pointed out, this verb axousiv corresponds to the Talmudic use of s e ma c , i. There are several passages in the gospels quite well illustrating this usage. In the Gospel of John —- the Aramaic background of which was brilliantly advocated by Burney some 40 years ago — 56 we read e. V 57 I can of my own mind do nothing, but as I have heard, I judge, and my judgement is just. I do not quote these passages here but pass on to Ch. XII 60 56 Cf. Black, An Aramaic Approach, p.

Black, op. Even the vocalization was left in its Western Aramaic type. Thus the gospel of Matthew Ch. Gerhardsson says op. Norden, Agnostos Theos, 2nd ed. XI , a passage which has now received such a striking illustration from the Hodayot among the Dead Sea scrolls.

Actually none of them found its way into his book. We pass to the verb StSacixetv on which I should like to make a few remarks. It is quite obvious that because the ordinary language of Jesus and the first Christian community, the Church of Jerusalem, has been Aramaic, and especially Galilaean Aramic, we have to look for Aramaic terms.


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We should above all try to find the Aramaic terminology behind the Greek expressions. It is incontestable that we are rather bad off when it comes to a comparison with Aramaic-Jewish technical terms, as far 66 Cf. Widengren, Kungar, Profeter och Harlekiner , pp. The Syriac versions here have k e sd and g e ld. The Palestinian Aramaic version unfortunately is lacking in this passage, but as the verb t e mar is used elsewhere where the Syriac versions have k e sd as opposed to g e ld it is quite possible that the verb t e mar was used in the passage in question, cf.

Luc VIII In the DS-scrolls we find the two opposite terms and DlVll, cf. Judaism in the Early Church 65 as the transmission of the haldkd and halachic disputes are concerned. Hebrew was the language used above all in the Rabbinical houses of learning and schools, Aramaic chiefly reserved for ordinary usage, even if the new documents found in the Judean desert have tought us that on the whole Hebrew was much more used in daily life and in correspondance than was presumed up to now.

Now it is quite obvious that even in the present Greek language of the gospels we have unmistakeable proofs of an Aramaic tradition also in the relations of the disputes of Jesus on halachic questions with his opponents, the Pharisees, the scribes, and the lawyers.


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  7. We may take such a characteristic dispute as that related in Luke XIV , where a Sabbath haldkd is debated. If we retrovert this saying into Aramaic we get something like the following cf. As was shortly stated above the evidence is scarce, nevertheless there is sufficient material to show that halachic terms in Aramaic existed, that there was a juridical technical language also in Aramaic, 70 I think above all of the newly found correspondance of Bar Koseba, for which cf.

    Klostermann, Das Lukas-Evangelium , p. First as to the juridical documents. V 31; Marc X 4 it is interesting to note the existence of a document of divorce written in Aramaic, among the texts found in the Judaean desert and published in Barthelemy-Milik, Qumran Cave II, pp. Gerushim 4. Klostermann, Das Markus-Evangelium 3rd ed. Jaubert, La date de la cene Already at that time he was able to ascertain that the Book of Jubilees gives us an insight into a special Jewish sect, with a halaka of its own. For this problem cf. Hochschule f. Juden- tums Jaubert, op.

    For general correspondances between the Book of Jubilees and DS scrolls cf. We know also of fragments of the Palestinian Pentateuchtargum Fragment A. What is important to me is the fact that this halachic material exists in Aramaic language. This is further in keeping with one other fact that mostly would seem to be neglected, at any rate has Dr. Gerhardsson not attached any weight to it, namely the once existence also in Rabbinical circles of a halaka-tradition in Aramaic. Bacher in his Tradition und Tradenten p. Joezer from Zerada testified to three halachic sentences in Aramaic, Eduyoth 8, This being so we should try to regain the original Aramaic terms from the Greek terms used in Gospel tradition about halachic discussions between Jesus and his adversaries.

    No doubt as Dr. It should be noted that the newly found fragments from Qumran are in Hebrew. Many competent scholars e. Teicher in a private conversation however, are highly sceptical about this conclusion. Gerhardsson, op. TrocpaSoau; and Strack-Billerbeck, I, p. Mark VII 4 op. As the author as usual has neglected this question we may briefly investigate this matter here.

    The Evangelion daMefarr e se in this case curiously enough has the expression puqdana d e sabln. Instead it is more acceptable 81 Cf. ThWb IV, s. Thesaurus Syriacus, II, , 5. Judaism in the Early Church 69 to presume that the word in question used for TupscrpuTspoi was sabln which we find in Ev. II 8, and II Tim. XV 2 in Cur. Thesaurus Syriacus, II, Acts XXV 16 qasslsaihon d e iudaie. But here we also have to reckon with the influence of the Syriac versions. Here the verb is used. For TzccpdcSoGiq. Jesus as a teacher in the centre of his inner circle of disciples was not only a teacher of the halaka, the exposition and interpretation of the Law.

    He also acted as the spiritual guide of his disciples in their prayers to God. Luke XI 1 ff. We get here also the welcome knowledge that John the Baptist taught his disciples to pray. Jesus, who according to gospel tradition the Sermon on the Mount, parr. It is related of R. Nathan Schlatter in his monograph on Johannan b. It has been pointed out by Black op. Sperber, I, p. We remember the Testament of Beniamin 89 This circumstance once more underlines the fact that the language used by the disciples as well as by Jesus himself was Aramaic, chiefly the Galilean dialect.

    It also shows that the Palestinian Aramaic must be made our starting point for every reconstruction of the original wording of the gospel tradition. Meyer, Die kulturelle, literarische und religiose Entwicklung des israelitischen Volkes in der alteren Konigszeit , esp. Gunkel , II, pp. He quotes Schlatter, p. In order to investigate the delivery of the gospel tradition in early Christianity Dr.

    Gerhardsson analyses what the Post-Apostolic church has to say on this subject. The author of course — and he is quite right — considers this passage a cardinal one for his thesis. Irenaeus when quoting a tradition is careful to give a chain of reliable tradi- tionists p. V 20, 6 ed. Schwartz editio minor, p. Why does Dr. Gerhardsson quote from Migne, PG?.

    Judaism in the Early Church 73 learned the tradition by heart. Taking into account what we know this seems quite a reasonable opinion. Haereses IV 1. Here such passages as adv. Haereses IV Bousset, op. Quemadmodum audivi a quodam presbytero, qui audierat ab his qui Apostolos viderant , et ab his qui didicerant. IV Gerhardsson has missed this point but probably his attention was exclusively focussed on oral tradition, so that he entirely left out of consideration the other possibility — written sources. Numen XT 6 Geo Widengren 74 old time, the presbyter was in the habit of instructing us, and saying huius modi quoque de duobus testamentis senior, apostolorum discipulus, disputabat.

    Now, to rely less in principle upon the written word than upon that which comes from the living voice cannot be said to be the same thing as not to rely at all upon books, but only upon the living voice. This is quite true, nevertheless it shows that Papias himself preferred people to rely in principle more upon books than upon memory. Gerhardsson wants us to believe. The problem of the existence of written Aramaic sources behind the gospel tradition has been a much discussed problem as is well known. This discussion has not led to any general agreement among scholars.

    We may quote in this connection some of the instances where a misunderstanding in the Greek text certainly indicates a written Aramaic source. He that hath received his testimony, hath confirmed Da sar that God sent him. Wellhausen, Einleitung in die drei crsten Evangelien, 2nd ed. It should be noted that karka is quite a usual term for town. However it seems to be more used in eastern than in western Aramaic.

    Odeberg The Fourth Gospel , pp. The use of the word c edut in O. I can more than ever uphold the interpretation, I have given at various occasions, of the term c edut as denoting the written Law — this word taken in its widest meaning, cf. For the terms here concerned we should also refer to Betz, op. Gerhardsson contends p. His conclusion seems quite inevitable. D Is the servant greater than the guest? I came among you, not as guest, but as servant, And ye have been the guests at table, while I served as servant. In Aramaic: Kins? M p W Kins? Kfc Kins? M pnKi Both Ev.

    According to Luke IX 2 the disciples of Jesus receive two commissions: xyjpuaasiv, preaching, and taaOou, healing. The Aramaic expressions behind the Greek are the same as in Matth. This is the same activity as exercised by their Master, except for SiSaaxsiv. He had been informed in the way of the Lord and was fervent in spirit, and he was speaking and teaching accurately the story of Jesus, knowing only the baptism of John.

    And he began to speak boldly in the synagoge. In the Hellenistic communities the situation was quite another. Rengstorf has emphasized this cardinal point. ZU in Sumerian cf. Otto, Reich Gottes und Menschensohn, 3nd ed. St-Saaxco p. IV 23, and his apostles, Luke IX 2. However, when it comes to concrete statements the author might well have been somewhat more cautions.

    XI 2, 23; XV 1 ff. Now, some of these passages obviously hint at a gospel tradition, the others not. Such a passage as I Cor. In XV 1 ff. This statement clearly is a theological interpretation of the traditon. Now, this is certainly to Paul a very important part of his evangelion, for on this fact he bases his own authority as an Cf.

    Davies, op. It seems to me that Dr. No doubt this insight is shared also by Dr. Gerhardsson — on principle. Gerhardsson I cannot find Cf. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, 3rd. I n, on which see Schlier, Der Brief an die Galater 12th ed. Actually Paul was not only a rabbi, converted to Christianity, and certainly not to a Christianity of the Jerusalem type. Lietzmann, An die Korinther I. II, 3rd ed. It is highly probable that this tradition was received from the church outside Jerusalem.

    Daube, op. XI 4 ff. In that story there is first a quotation from Is. XVII 22, introduced in the same manner.

    The alternation between the two formulas — for which no rational explanation could possibly be found — to my mind shows that one was completely indifferent to whether one quoted the Scriptures as an oral or as a written teaching. It is the liturgical use of Scripture that constitutes a link between Cf.

    Schoeps, Paulus , p. His exposition is based on the researches of an older generation and seems to me quite convincing. Schoeps of course refers to the famous saying II Cor. V 16 about Christ xava aapxa. The Scripture is recited in liturgical service — as it was while still only an oral tradition in such cases where there really was a passage from oral to written tradition. I, IX, p. II Here too liturgical usage of course lies behind the expression. Gerhardsson has underrated the role of written transmission both in Judaism and Early Christianity, chiefly because of his concentration on Rabbinic Judaism, while neglecting other movements, above all the Apocalyphic groups and the Qumran community.

    The extent to which these two groups are identical is still unknown to us. He has misinterpreted some passages in Early Christian literature showing that written transmission was much more used than he assumes. He has not understood the importance which the notion of a new Heavenly Revelation in certain circles possessed for the methods of transmission, for the instruction from books, and for the utilisation of written sources when it came to the composition of new books.

    Though he admits the use of note books and private scrolls p. While making widest possible use of the Hebrew Rabbinical material he has left out the Aramaic language from his investigation. He has not taken any account of the fact that both Judaism in the Early Church 83 Jesus and his nearest disciples were Galileans, spoke a Galilean Aramaic dialect.

    His book therefore does not establish the historical connection between the Master and his disciples on the one hand and the circles from where they obviously came on the other hand. Both Jesus and Paul were Jews, they were both of them teachers, Paul more on the Rabbinic lines than Jesus, but they were also much more than that. The highly pneumatic character of the original Jerusalem church also has some importance for the subject of Dr. The results of form-criticism do not seem to have to be too much changed, rather supplemented. All in all: a valuable and highly instructive work which has to be corrected and supplemented in many more points than we have been able to do in this article.

    Demitizzazione e immagine atti del convegno indetto dal centro intcrnazionale di studi umanistici e delV istituto di studi filosofici. Antonio Milani , pp. Goldammer, K. Eine kultur- und religions- geschichtliche Betrachtung. Havran, M. H arrison, Jane E. Hartshorne, Ch. Huntley, F. Livingstone, Sir Thomas Browne.

    A Biographical and Critical Study.

    Full text of "Nvmen"

    Herausgegeben vom Organisationsausschusz. Elwert Verlag, , pp. Kristensen, W. Standaard Boekhandel, , pp. The letters and Diaries of John Henry Newman. Volume XII. January to December Edited by Ch. Levi-Strauss, Claude, La pensec sauvage. Merkelbach, R. Phoenix Bijbelpockets, 1 Zoals er gczcgd is over De schepping.

    Zoals er gczcgd is over Het paradijs. Rijk, Drs. Soetendorp en Drs. Pol, W. Rengkens, H. Rogers, F. Travels and Rumor in the Age of Discovery. Sources orientalcs V, La Lune, mythes et rites. Vaux, R. Montgomery, Islamic Surveys I. Islamic Philosophy and Theology. Werblowsky, R. Zwi, Joseph Karo, Lawyer and Mystic. Scripta Judaica IV. Archives de Sociologie des Religions, 13, Janvier-Juin Fascicolo IV: Ottobre Folklore, Volume 73, Spring Theologische Zeitschrift, herausgegeben von der theologischen Fakultat der Uni- versitat Basel.

    Heft 3, Mai-Juni Heft 4, Juli-August But to-day his reputation and even his existence are less firmly established. For this scepticism about Numa, and indeed about all the Roman kings, perhaps Livy was unwittingly to blame. Latte, Romische Religionsgeschichte Miinchen, i Numen X 7 88 Edna M. Hooker have been eager to carry the process further. There has been general agreement that the Romans really knew nothing about their early history. Most historians, following Mommsen's lead, have assured us that they deduced their early history from their later institutions.

    Students of religion have reduced it all to aetiological myths. All this, of course, is gross exaggeration. Reconstructions and aetiological myths do appear in the traditional history of the monarchy, but they by no means account for the whole of it. And to be sure the Greeks did invent myths and legends on Roman subjects, but they were very different from the legends of the Roman monarchy, even from the confused and exotic legends of Romulus.

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    The legends of the kings are too full of non-Greek elements, such as Vestals, augurs, and institutions like the spolia optima, to have originated with the Greeks. As to the Etruscans, there is no doubt that there were Etruscan kings at Rome, that Roman art, architecture, public entertainments, and styles of dress owed a great deal to Etruria, and that the Romans derived their alphabet from the Etruscans; but there the influence of Etruria seems to have ended.

    Had it had a more profound effect on Rome, we should assuredly have found the Etruscans easier to understand. But their civilization is so strange and enigmatic to us that we can only conclude that it was quite alien to the Roman way of life; and the Romans tell us so little of their exotic neighbours that it would appear that Etruscan ways were almost as much a closed book to them as they are to us.

    Nor must we assume that the uncultured state of the Romans before they were Hellenized rendered them incapable of handing down oral traditions and later keeping simple records of events. The effects of the Gallic sack, too, have been overemphasized. Some loss of information must undoubtedly have resulted from this break in the normal life of the city, but that does not mean that we must suppose the total destruction of all written records and the affliction of the entire population with amnesia.

    There is also a tendency nowadays to think that a tradition cannot go back any further than we can trace it and to assume that what is outside our own knowledge cannot have existed. As to the account given of Numa himself, the information about him is somewhat meagre, but it is reasonably coherent and consistent. Dionysios aimed at providing a much fuller account of early Roman history than had previously been available in Greek, and to that 5 P. Hooker end worked with the utmost diligence to collect material from the best-known histories written in Latin and supplemented this with information given to him orally by learned Romans.

    The result is a conscientious, but rather undiscriminating, collection of traditional material. The accounts in the Epitome of Florus and the de Viris Illustribus formerly attributed to Aurelius Victor differ very little from that of Livy and are presumably dependent on Livy for the most part.

    Various other writers recount particular episodes from the reign of Numa or impart miscellaneous pieces of information about his laws, and, so far as they reveal their sources, they seem to rely on the early Roman historians. These various accounts may be combined and summarized as follows: Numa Pompilius was a Sabine from Cures, son of Pompon, and he was born on the day that Rome was founded 6.

    When Romulus died, Numa was about forty years of age and well thought of by both Sabines and Romans 7. He had been a prominent citizen and a son-in-law of Titus Tatius, the Sabine who had ruled Rome jointly with Romulus, but he had retired from public life after the early death of his wife, Tatia 8. Accordingly an embassy came to him from Rome, consisting of the Roman Proculus and the Sabine Valerius, to ask him if he would consent to be nominated as successor to Romulus 9.

    After some hesitation he accompanied them to Rome, where he was duly elected king by the comitia curiata, and, when his election had been confirmed by the senate and approved by the augurs, he accepted the royal insignia The people also voted for his admission into the Roman patrician order 11 and passed a lex curiata introduced by Numa himself de suo imperio In order to unite the Alban and Sabine elements of the population without disturbing the Albans he incorporated the Quirinal, which was settled by Sabines, in the city and 6 Cic.

    Num, He next reformed the calendar, adding the two months, January and February, to an older calendar of ten months, so as to produce a year divided into twelve lunar months starting with January and adjusted to the solar year by intercalation This calendar included dies fasti and nefasti, market- days and festivals At first he undertook the performance of the traditional religious rites, but he soon found that they left little time for other royal duties and he proceeded to overhaul the state religion First he took the precaution of providing himself with divine authority for his reforms.

    He gave out that he consorted with the goddess Egeria in a sacred grove and that she instructed him 20 ; he claimed to have met Jupiter face-to-face and tricked him into forgoing human sacrifice 21 ; and he produced a bronze shield of curious design, called an ancile, which was supposed to have fallen from heaven and in which the sovereignty was believed to reside Armed with this supernatural support he instituted a full-time professional priesthood. He himself remained at the head of the state religion, but he was assisted by the flamen Dialis, who was a permanent full-time priest.

    He also appointed flamines for Mars and Quirinus and probably minor flamines for lesser deities He turned the service of the Vestals into a salaried profession, imposing virginity and other restrictions on them and entrusting them with the care of the sacred fire, the Palladium and the ancile. He chose twelve young patricians to be Palatine Salii for Mars Gradivus. He had replicas of the ancile made by a craftsman called Mamurius Veturius, and gave them to the Salii for use in their rites He dispensed with the Celeres as a bodyguard, but seems not to have abolished them 26 , and he established a college of fetiales to deal with the formalities of peace and war The hearths of the curiae he left undisturbed in the care of the curiones, but he established a common hearth 15 D.

    Hooker and entrusted it to the Vestals The supervision of this organization he placed in the hands of five pontifices, giving them a written copy of his religious law r s in eight sections: i curiones; 2 ffamines] 3 celeres ; 4 augures] 5 Vestales] 6 Salii] 7 fetiales ; and 8 pontifices The centre of religious life he transferred to the area later occupied by the Forum. Here he built a round house for Vesta 31 and his own official residence close by At the bottom of the Argiletum, just to the north-east of the Forum, he set up the Ianus, a small shrine with two doors which were to be opened only in time of war He is also said to have built a small shrine for the Muses In addition to reforms of the existing cults, he introduced some new cults.

    He erected a temple to Fides and instituted regular rites in which the flamines drove there in covered chariots with their hands swathed to the fingers He consecrated his new boundary-stones to Iuppiter Terminalis and established the festival of the Terminalia, at which bloodless offerings of first-fruits were made He introduced the practice of baking the spelt for sacrifices and hallowed the innovation by the new feast of Fornacalia, the festival of ovens He was also credited with adding Tacita to the number of the Muses 38 , with dedicating the Argei as places for ritual 39 , with founding an altar of Iuppiter Elicius on the Aventine 40 , and with introducing games in honour of Mars 41 and the festivals of Robigalia 42 , Agonalia 43 , and Fordicidia He banned statues of gods in human or animal form 45 ; he forbade work on a festival day 46 ; he laid down regulations for the offering of the spolia opima 47 ; 28 D.

    Num, 9.

    He prescribed a penalty for concubines who touched the temple of Iuno He forbade fathers to sell married sons Numa died of old age, when over eighty, after a reign of forty-three years He left one daughter, Pompilia, probably by his second wife, Lucretia, and a five-year-old grandson, Ancus Marcius, who was later also to become king of Rome. Some writers also ascribed to him four sons, Pompon, Pinus, Calpus and Mamercus, said to be ancestors of great Roman families He was, at his own request, not cremated but buried in a stone coffin on the Janiculum near the altar of Fons.

    About five hundred years later, in the consulship of P. Cornelius and M. Baebius, a certain Cn. Teren- tius brought to the praetor, Q. Petilius, a number of books, which he said had been dug up on his land on the Janiculum and which purported to be the commentarii of Numa, miraculously preserved by the box in which they had been buried and by having been steeped in citrus-oil. Half the books dealt with pontifical law and half with Pythagorean philosophy. Petilius immediately referred the disposal of the books to the senate and on their advice then took them to the Comitium and burned them The copy of the commentarii which was entrusted to the pontifices later became the basis of Roman religious law.

    Papirius, had them copied in more permanent form After the Gallic sack the pontifices restored their records, but refused to put them on public display, hoping to increase their own power and prestige by making the people dependent on them for all information about religious matters The laws of Numa were still recorded in monumenta in the time of Cicero That is the account which has come down to us of the reign of Numa, and we must now consider how far we may rely on the traditions about 48 Plin.

    Dei 7. Hooker his life and achievements, before we can discuss what lies behind the reforms attributed to him. The unanimity of our authorities on the main outlines of his reign suggests that they all derived their information from the same sources. What these sources were has been revealed to us by Dionysios of Hali- karnassos, who states clearly that he based his work on the histories written by Porcius Cato, Fabius Maximus, Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer, the Aelii, Gellii and Calpurnii and other reputable Roman historians He was acquainted, too, with the writings of Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimentus, but he found their histories less to his taste, since they treated the early period in summary fashion and he himself was aiming at a fuller treatment.

    He rejects the works of Greek historians who dealt with early Roman history, accusing them of being slovenly and inaccurate in checking their information. This opinion seems to have been shared by most of our authorities, for only Plutarch shows any signs of having made use of Greek sources. His debt to Greek writers shows itself chiefly in his flirtation with the improbable theory that Numa was a disciple of Pythagoras—a theory which could only have been put forward by the Greeks and which was vigorously opposed by Roman writers.

    It was probably from Greek writers that Plutarch derived many small details which are peculiar to his account. Such minor details are most unlikely to have been recorded at an early period and look suspiciously as if they were invented by Greek writers to satisfy later generations which were curious about such matters. Cicero adopts the chronology of the Greek historian, Polybios, but in other respects he adheres to the traditional account, apart from the statement that Numa had a law passed de suo imperio, a detail which does not appear elsewhere.

    This seems to be a deduction by Cicero, or his informant, based on his general knowledge of early Roman constitutional procedure. With these modifications, then, the account of Numa which we have is a fairly faithful reproduction of the agreed version established by earlier Roman historians. This passion found its chief expression in the annales kept by the pontifex maximus, which Cicero tells us formed the basis of early historical writing at Rome Mucius was pontifex maximus 63 , the custom being that the pontifex maximus each year committed to writing the events of that year and recorded them on a whitened board, which was displayed at his house for the information of the public; and these records were known as the Annales Maximi.

    Servius tells us that the boards were headed with the names of the consuls and other important magistrates and recorded domi militiaeque terra marique gesta per singulos dies He also goes on to say that there was a collected edition of the annual commentarii, which filled eighty books; but that was presumably made at some date after B.

    This surely implies—and common-sense endorses the implication—that the pontifex recorded the events in a commentarius 62 Cic. XLVII, , p. Hooker for his own use and made a copy on a whitened board for the benefit of the public. It is quite clear, too, that there is no reason to restrict the name, Annales Maximi, to the collected edition.

    It is clear that Cicero applies the term to the original annual records, since that is what he has been discussing and he nowhere mentions the collected edition at all. Walsh expresses misgivings about these theories Cicero gives the date of the eclipse as anno trecentesimo quinquagesimo fere post Romam con- ditam , but Beloch boldly emends the text to give a date a hundred years later and, stretching fere rather far, identified the eclipse with that of B.

    He then argues that this must have been the first recorded eclipse in the annales and that therefore the annales could not have started before B. If the passage in question is viewed in its context, it becomes apparent that it forms part of a discussion of the value of scientific knowledge in enabling men to recognize an eclipse for what it really is; and the obvious inference is that this was the first eclipse in Roman history to be recognized and recorded as an eclipse. Previously, we may suppose, eclipses were represented by the non-committal term caligo with nothing to differentiate them from darkness due to other 68 K.

    The probability is that the early historians could and did use official records which were reasonably reliable back to B. The reliability of the sources, however, can only be upheld for events taking place after B. It is certain that a good deal of documentary evidence was lost as a result of the Gallic sack, as Livy laments 74 , but it is also certain that not all was lost and that some lost records were replaced. The difficulty is to gain some idea of what information survived about the earlier period and how accurate it is likely to have been.

    He tells us elsewhere that, after the departure of the Gauls, the work of restoring the texts of laws and treaties was immediately put in hand 75 and this was probably achieved without undue difficulty. This sort of distortion, however, is more likely to have affected the history of the early republic than the regal period, which has very little in it to gratify the great families of later days.

    The regal period may have 72 This is the word used by Cato ap. Cicero quotes them only as confirming the date given by Ennius. Hooker come off better in other respects, too. It is not difficult to remember a fairly short list of kings with a few facts about the more outstanding characteristics and achievements of each one. Details would be lost, though, and dates would be confused.

    Later writers, however, must have expanded the account, for Dionysios makes it clear that later accounts were much fuller than the original histories of Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimentus, and his own version, based on the work of the later historians, is very full indeed. This expansion was probably achieved in a number of ways. We should perhaps hesitate, therefore, before dismissing this part of the tradition completely, particularly as supernatural events in other reigns are not treated in this way, but are taken at their face-value, albeit with some sceptical comments.

    A better case can be made out for the historical existence of the ladies of the Etruscan period, whose activities form an integral part of the traditions The Significance of Numas Religious Reforms 99 When we have discarded all the obviously doubtful elements in the story, a good deal that is solid still remains. There is no good reason, for instance, to reject his name 78 , his nationality 79 , and his place in the sequence of kings or to doubt that he was responsible for a code of religious law.

    The existence of his calendar is not in doubt, since it is preserved for us in the Fasti and is distinguished there from later modifications and additions The evidence, in fact, gives strong support to the tradition which ascribed the reform of the calendar to Numa. As to the religious laws themselves, we know that the laws of Numa appeared in monumenta in the time of Cicero, and it is probable that they had been fairly accurately transmitted.

    The Latin alphabet is believed to have been invented in the seventh century B. In view, however, of the Etruscan origin of the Latin alphabet, it seems more likely that writing came to Rome later in the century, in the reign of Ancus Marcius, when of that time, and perhaps also for a system of matrilineal descent among the Etruscans. But there are no good grounds for connecting it with Numa.

    Glaser in Pauly-Wissowa seems to think that this is sufficient reason to classify Numa as an Etruscan king; but, as there were obviously people of more than one stock in Etruria, it is possible that it is a non-Etruscan name. Last, op. Warde Fowler, op. Diringer, The Alphabet London, , pp.

    Hooker there is evidence of Etruscan influence at Rome. If this is so, then the laws must have been recited to the pontifices, who were required to memorize them, and it must have been an oral tradition which the pontifices were ordered to transfer to oak boards by Ancus Marcius a generation or two later. The story of the oak boards is quite a probable one. We have a few examples of Latin inscriptions on stone and metal from the sixth century B.

    It is probable, too, that the laws were copied in more permanent form at the beginning of the republic, as Dionysios said they were. Inscriptions on stone and metal do seem to have been the regular thing for displaying notices of lasting importance from the beginning of the fifth century B.

    The cippus from the Forum Romanum, which dates from about B. S5 is inscribed with something which looks like some kind of religious law, although it is too fragmentary to be fully deciphered; and Polybios records the existence of the text of a treaty made between Rome and Carthage in the year following the expulsion of the kings, which was written in Latin so archaic that he could hardly translate parts of it There is, then, a fair chance that the laws of Numa were handed down in written form for most of their history, but, even if they had never been committed to writing, there is little doubt that they would have been preserved with a considerable degree of accuracy.

    They would have been confirmed by religious practice, which continued year in year out without variation, and they would have been preserved in the memory of the pontifices, whose business it was to remember such 84 CIL i 2. Ei, 2, 3. Dionysios 4. Palmer, The Latin Language London, , p. The fact that they were kept private after the Gallic sack need not imply that the pontifices falsified any part of the records.

    They could, in any event, hardly have succeeded in distorting the general outline of the religious organization, which is what has come down to us. The religious organization, which was attributed to Numa has been variously interpreted. Preller 87 believed that it resulted from the union of Romans and Sabines and represented a fusion of the cults of the two peoples, and he regarded it as a supremely important development in the history of Roman religion. These suggestions, however, were largely ignored.

    This theory was endorsed by W. Preller, Les dieux de Vancienne Rome Paris, , pp. Carter, The Religion of Numa London, , p. Rose, Ancient Roman Religion London, , p. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer Miinchen, , pp. Treves The main issue to be decided, then, is whether the religion of Numa is the product of a slow process of natural growth or whether it is the result of deliberate legislation. There is also the question to consider of the nature of the religion which it replaced, which might well provide a definite clue to the reason for the change.

    Romulus has, in fact, a better claim than Numa to be regarded as a priest-king, while there is at least a suspicion that his military prowess may have been somewhat exaggerated Nor need we suppose that the story of Romulus was imported from further east, since the divine king is attested for Latium by that famous institution of the rex nemorensis from which Frazer began his study of the divine king.

    His existence is implied, too, in the 94 P. Treves, Oxford Classical Dictionary Oxford, , s. Numa Pom- pilius. Numa, on the other hand, shows no signs of being a divine king. His birth and death appear to have been perfectly normal and his family life eminently respectable, his rumoured association with Egeria being generally agreed to have been a deliberate fiction, as we have already seen. He held power, not merely through divine sanction, but by the votes of the people and the approval of the senate; and he was chosen, not for his divine ancestry, for he had none, but for his integrity and his abilities as an administrator.

    If Romulus typifies the divine king, Numa typifies the constitutional monarch. The rex remained head of the religious organization His duties were light. He performed sacrifices on the Kalends of each 97 Rose vigorously denies the existence of the institution of the divine king at Rome Primitive Culture in Italy London, , pp. He prefers to think that the rex nemorensis is an isolated phenomenon in Italy and that all the legends suggestive of divine kingship were either borrowed from Greece or simply invented. The customs of the triumph he ascribes to Etruria and he denies that the general did in fact impersonate the god.

    It is, however, most unlikely that the rex nemorensis could have been a peculiarity of Aricia. There is nothing about Aricia to set it apart from the rest of Latium in this way, and we are more likely to be dealing with an isolated survival than with an isolated phenomenon. The idea of Greek origins will not account for all the legends and certainly not for the institutions of Roman religion; and there is no reason to suppose that the Etruscans supplied more than the superficial trappings of the triumph.

    Numen X 8 Edna M. His wife, the regina , sacrificed a sow or a ewe lamb to Iuno in the Regia on the Kalends of each month The flamen Dialis, on the other hand, devoted his whole life to his religious duties. His sacrificial duties, it is true, differed little from those of the rex. On the Ides of every month he sacrificed a gelded ram to Iuppiter and every year he started off the vintage with the sacrifice of a ewe lamb He also, like the rex, provided woollen cloths for the pontifices in February and he performed certain unspecified rites for the Lupercalia L. His wife, the flaminica Dialis sacrified a ram to Iuppiter in the Regia every market day , and every time she heard thunder she had to appease the gods In February she seems to have performed some ritual for which she asked for februa and was given a pine-twig Unlike the rex , however, the flamen was constantly on duty.

    Every day was a festival day for him Every day, indoors or out, he wore his official costume, trabea or toga praetexta and the albogalerus, a pointed cap of white Macr. When he went to sacrifice he put on over his robes a heavy cloak, called a laena, woven by his wife, and fastened it with a bronze brooch ; and he went his way carrying in his left hand a wand, called a commoetacula, for clearing the way , and in his right hand the secepita , a sacrifical knife with an iron blade and an ivory handle bound with gold and silver and fastened with bronze nails Even by night he might not forget that he was the flamen.

    The feet of his bed had to be coated with a thin layer of clay and he had to keep a box of sacrificial cakes at the end of the bed The flaminica, too, wore ceremonial dress, a dyed cloak fastened with a brooch and shoes made from the skin of a sacrificial victim Her hair was dressed in an elaborate coiffure, the tutulus, bound high with purple ribbons , on top of which she tied the rica, a fringed blue or purple woollen square , with the arcuius, a pomegranate twig bent into a crown and bound with white wool, set upon it ; and over all she wore the flammea, the flame-coloured bridal veil The duties of the flamen and his wife were, however, as nothing compared with the caerimoniae which were imposed on them.

    Their marriage was governed by strict rules. The flamen had to be born of a confarreatio marriage and to be so married himself to a wife who had not had a previous husband Once married, he might not divorce his wife , and, if she died, he resigned the flamonium Hooker His sanctity was carefully preserved. He might not remove his cap even indoors, and a flamen Dialis whose hat fell off during a sacrifice was obliged to resign He might not remove his vest except under cover No man might sleep in his bed or take his fire except for sacrificial purposes Newfangled innovations were not for him.

    He ate no leavened bread ; his hair was cut with old-fashioned bronze scissors ; he never rode a horse In order that no restraint might inhibit his magic powers, he wore no knots on his clothes and no ring except a split-ring He swore no oaths He might not even come into contact with men who were under any restraint. His barber must be a free man ; any man who knelt at his feet was exempt from punishment for that day ; and, if a prisoner in chains came into his house, the chains had to be removed and passed out of the house through the implauiiim and over the roof.

    Part D: Materials Performance Testing. Part E: Modeling and Simulation Methods. Mit Blick auf das Entwicklungsprojekt Industrie 4. Handbook of technical diagnostics fundamentals and application to structures and systems by Horst Czichos 13 editions published between and in English and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide This book presents concepts, methods and techniques to examine symptoms of faults and failures of structures, systems and components and to monitor functional performance and structural integrity.

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    Measurement, Testing and Sensor Technology : Fundamentals and Application to Materials and Technical Systems by Horst Czichos 7 editions published in in English and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide This book presents the principles, methods and techniques to characterize materials and technical systems. The book is organized with concise text-graphics compilations in three parts: The first part describes the fundamentals of measurement, testing and sensor technology, including a survey of sensor types for dimensional metrology, kinematics, dynamics, and temperature. It describes also microsensors and embedded sensors.

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