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In sum, Wirth espoused earlier conventional views that East European Jews posed a danger to other Jews through choosing to voluntarily cluster together, thus impeding an assimilatory agenda also important to the Chicago School. Yet it bears emphasis that his study came at a very particular historical conjuncture.
Mass Jewish emigration to the United States had just recently been stopped. Wirth wrote at a time when the demolition of the old ghetto walls at least in Western Europe could still be confidently celebrated.
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Frankfurt, seen as an ancient ghetto whose gates had been shattered, is at the center of a book that became important to U. Within the field of German-Jewish studies in general, and Zionist thinking in particular, the discourse of authenticity is of central importance. In a short pamphlet, Le sionisme et les colonies juives en Palestine , the Swiss journalist Ilia Grunberg wrote that a National jewish feeling developed itself and circulated before the rise of Zionist movement: it is radiated In fact, the profound changes produced by European Jewish Emancipation encouraged the emergence of a new Love for Zion, secular and no longer religious, expressed itself especially in the Modern Hebrew Literature.
However, at the beginning of the eighties this first Jewish secularization was stopped: it clashed with antisemitism, widespread before in Eastern Europe, then in Western one. Due to the interaction between Antisemitism and Secularization, the goals of emancipation were reversed, as Israel J.
Singer recognized in The Family Carnovsky Connected with this context, the secular love for Zion was employed by some Jewish writers to solve the reversal of Haskalah goals. Thus, the utopian genre appeared. Indeed, the flowering of this genre provided a response to European antisemitism, secularizing the messianic ideal in their literary descriptions of a modern Exodus from Europe and founding a new Zion in a distant future.
This utopian production anticipated the rise of Zionism and tried to answer a double question, external and internal to the European Jewish world: antisemitism and secularization. In this sense, the Utopias of Zion tried to imagine a way out of this double problem. Two authors that never became Zionists. These utopian novels marked a turning point from the literary Love for Zion to the political Return to Zion and thus confirmed the Zionist debt with the Modern Hebrew Literature, which provides words, visions and secularized concepts to the future Zionist executive class, to the future secularized messianic slogans and so to the nationalist ideology, from the perspective of which these Utopias of Zion were interpreted.
This paper follows up on the discussions in Jewish thought of the s on the place of religion in the system of philosophy. Hermann Cohen had addressed the question in his book "Der Begriff der Philosophie im System der Hermann Cohen had addressed the question in his book "Der Begriff der Philosophie im System der Philosophie" and the posthumous "Religion der Vernunft". It was the template for renegotiating the relation between system and experience as well as between idealism and the reality of God.
German Studies Association. Co-convener with Dr. Dani Kranz, Seminar. Jews and Politics in the Post War Germanies.
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Reasons for mooting the idea that trees -based symbolism provides insight into Heine's Die Harzreise will hopefully emerge from arguments put forward in this paper. The battle took place near a village called Grunwald, hence its name. The main purpose of the Union was to be on the front line of the propaganda battle with an anti-communist opposition. For my research I used newspapers from the s, published by both the regime and the opposition.
The book is composed of three chapters. In this chapter I also present the beginnings of the organization, the problems connected with the official registration and a number of members, which, in fact, was not very high. In the second chapter I focus on the most important event organized by the association namely a manifestation, which took part on 8th March, , next to the former building of the Ministry of Public Security. The same place where during the Stalinist period many Polish citizens were tortured and interrogated. I describe the circumstances related to the organization of this demonstration as well as the reaction of the authorities and the opposition.
Moreover, I examine the political impact of the publicly raised anti-Semitic slogans. The last chapter presents the political and social program of the association and describes the quarrels and disputes within the organization, which ended with the intervention of the Ministry of the Interior. The fact that this organization had in its program socialistic slogans was obvious — that was the rule for all the groups of political nature at the time.
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But the members of this association went further in their defense of communism as they very often used anti-Semitic and anti-German arguments in political discourse. That was not very well received on both sides of the ideological barricade. Such an instrumental use of anti-Semitic attitudes, as attempted by PRL authorities, was met, however, with loud protests in the country and abroad, especially in the United States and in Western Europe. They claimed, that even PUWP was not ideologically pure. The Patriotic Union was not suspended and could freely operate during the martial law — the fact, which one also has to take into consideration while looking at a Polish political scene of the period.
Most of the members of his association were in some way linked with the regime. In the organization, there were many former military and secret police officers. The Ministry of the Interior was forced to intervene in and the problems were for some time resolved. The political program of the Patriotic Union was not very complicated. The activists postulated for patriotic education, patriotic behavior and even patriotic music. The name of the organization already indicated its anti-German character. The members organized many conferences about Polish history, published patriotic calendars and books.
When communism collapsed such an organization was no longer desirable.
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Some of its members joined various other extreme-right political parties but they were still left on the margins of the great politics. It is also a study of urban and cultural spaces that became attributed to these communities as a result of modernisation. In it was transformed into a scholarly biannual and later into a quarterly. Finally, I discuss its Polish and international perception and its impact on research.
Chronologically speaking, this text devotes particular attention to the period between to the late s, which was key for the growth and formation of the journal. Therefore, I concentrate on this particular subject, even though the journal published numerous important texts related to other areas of Polish-Jewish history as well. The article investigates how the Holocaust was distorted and exploited in Cold War debates on the example of genesis and reception of the book Ghetto Warschau.
The book is a Ringelblum addressed his essay to the Polish reader discussing the relation of Christian Poles and Polish Jews under German occupation based on his own experience and the material he had collected. It was originally published in several portions in the Bulletin of the Jewish Historical Institute, an early Holocaust Research Center based in Warsaw. The German translation was based on this publication and published in summer in a Stuttgart-based publishing house.
Above that the blurb and many footnotes highlighted the role of Poles as perpetrators in the Holocaust, while minimizing that of Germans. Through the biased presentation and distorted context of the work these former Ostforschers sought to portrait Poles as eternal anti-Semites and the factual perpetrators of the mass murder of Polish and European Jews following their anti-Polish agenda. Polish nationalist within the ruling Polish United Workers Party in turn exploited the book and the campaign based on it, which coincided with the anti-Semitic campaign in Poland.
Wladimir Kaminer and Jewish identity in 'Multikulti' Germany. Kaminer writes little about his Jewishness in his work, but, in his first book, Russendisko , he discusses the Jewish identity of Russian-speaking Jews living in Germany, viewed through the lens of Multikulti [multicultural] Berlin. Kaminer depicts them as just another of Germany's ethnic minority groups and, as such, nothing special. Given both Germany's past and the reasons offered by the German government for allowing these Jews to emigrate in the first place, Kaminer's opinion is undoubtedly controversial.
This article investigates how and why Kaminer adopts this position. It examines the pre-migration experiences of Jews from the former Soviet Union, which include: antisemitism, attitudes towards religion and discourse about the Holocaust in the Soviet Union, as well as the experiences more unique to Kaminer of Berlin in the s, the heyday of multicultural optimism. Although Kaminer is an unusual case study who deliberately subverts the reader's expectations of his identity politics, this article aims to show that his writings on Russian-speaking Jews, while highly subjective, have a wider application than might first appear.
Jewish in Imperial Russia. A radio history programme featuring rare archive recordings of a Jewish woman who grew up in the pale of settlement in Imperial Russia. The programme also contains an interview with Lisa Cooper who wrote a book, "Forgotten Land" based on The programme also contains an interview with Lisa Cooper who wrote a book, "Forgotten Land" based on these recordings.
Creating our own alternative Arab-Jewish history in Berlin. Whenever you see Jews and Arabs in a reading it is usually connected to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This time, however, they are talking about their neighbourhood in the same region and traditions. The irony of the location of our event, which I am co-hosting, cannot be ignored.
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We are gathered — Jews and Arabs, exiles and immigrants from Israel and Arab nations, in the Literarisches Colloquium Berlin, a villa right opposite the Villa Wannsee, where the Nazis planned the Final Solution to exterminate the Jews. There are also feminist voices within our cultural melting pot. The Egyptian poet Mariam Rasheed reads feminist poetry about being an Arab woman. In between, we listen to music of the Berlin Oriental Ensemble, a band with both Arab and Jewish musicians.
Although the music provides a happy backdrop to our event, there is also a sadness behind the silence that accompanied Musa's reading. More than years ago in the Middle-East, Jews, Arabs and other ethnic-religious groups lived in a fruitful dialogue and were culturally, spiritually and physically connected. After the disappearance of the Ottoman Empire, the two World Wars, and the rise of Jewish and Arab nationalism, the two peoples became disconnected. We lost our dialogue. My mother was born in Baghdad and her family lived for a thousand years on the banks of the river Tigris.
But unlike the European Jewish history in the Israeli education system, I learned nothing about the history of my Iraqi or Syrian or Iranian backgrounds. Likewise, I write in Hebrew but it is not necessarily my mother tongue. Now, in Berlin there is a rare encounter between Jews and Arabs that could not take place in the Middle East.
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Here, refugees and exiles from Arab countries meet with Israelis immigrants. Nazi Racism and Interracial Marriages. This essentially became official policy after the Nazi rise to power in January The main focus of this talk will be on such couples living in Japan. The latter group was exposed to extreme Nazi agitation.
Young German men living in Japan, for example, were threatened to be drafted into the navy Kriegsmarine and sent on extremely dangerous blockade breaking missions to render planned weddings impossible. The talk was organized by Joanne M. Majewska A.